sirroF 

WILLIAM  CLARK  BRECKENHIOQC 


\'^-4^ 


/vii/ 


Vl^ 


•  ••  • 


William  McKinley,  of  Ohio, 


Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey. 


.*•  •    • 

■  1  •    * 

•     •• 


Republican 


^^u^..-J^ 


National  Convention, 

St.  Louis, 

JUNE  16th  to  15th,  1596. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


WITH  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  AND 
.    A  SURVEY  OF  NATIONAL  POLITICS  SINCE  THE 
PARTY'S  FOUNDATION,   Etc.,   Etc. 


BY 

Charles  M.   Harvey, 

ASSOCIATE   EDITOR   ST.    LOUIS  GLOBE-DEMOCRAT. 


ST.    LOUIS. 

I.  Haas  Publishing  and  Engraving  Company. 
1896. 


*     • 
> •     •  •/  •  «     • 


,*  Copyright,  18%,  by 

'l  Haas  Publishing  and  Engraving  Co. 
St.  Louis. 


PRESS   Of 

VkOODWARO    *    TIERNAN    PRINTING   CO., 

ST.    LOUIS. 


PREFACE. 

THE  scope  and  purpose  of  this  book  could  not  readily  be  fully 
set  forth  on  the  title  page.  The  largest  single  feature  of 
the  book  is  its  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Republican 
National  Convention  of  1896,  which  it  gives  with  a  close  approach 
to  absolute  completeness.  This  presents  the  speeches  of  the  Con- 
vention's Temporary  Chairman  and  Permanent  President ;  the  plat- 
form ;  the  committees ;  the  rules  by  which  the  Convention  was 
governed ;  the  speeches  on  both  sides  in  the  contests  for  seats ;  the 
silver  substitute  for  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform ;  Senator 
Teller's  address  in  favor  of  the  substitute ;  the  votes  by  which  the 
substitute  was  rejected  and  the  financial  plank  adopted ;  the  silver- 
ites'  protest  and  valedictory  read  by  Senator  Cannon ;  the  bolt  of 
the  silver  men  and  the  scenes  attending  it ;  the  speeches  present- 
ing the  various  aspirants  for  President  and  Vice-President  and  the 
votes  for  each,  and  all  in  the  order  in  which  they  occurred.  The 
speeches,  platform,  rules  and  silver  men's  protest  are  given  ver- 
batim and  the  votes  are  all  given  by  States.  All  are  presented  in 
attractive  shape  for  permanent  reference. 

Following  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  are  brief 
biographical  sketches  of  the  candidate  for  President  and  the 
candidate  for  Vice-President ;  the  roll  of  the  delegates  and  alter- 
nates, and  tables  of  the  popular  and  electoral  votes  for  President 
and  Vice-President  from  the  beginning  of  the  Government ;  also 
lists  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  the  Presidents  of  the 
Senate,  and  the  Speakers  of  the  House,  with  their  residence,  the 

997154 


Preface. 

periods  of  their  service  and  their  politics.  The  politics  of  the 
Presidents  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  Speakers  will  ordinarily 
indicate  the  partisan  complexion  of  their  branches  of  Congress 
during  their  service. 

Preceding  the  doings  of  the  Convention  of  1896  are  a 
''History  of  the  Republican  Party"  from  its  foundation  in  1854 
to  1896;  a  sketch  of  the  rise,  growth,  and  decline  of  the  sectional 
issue  in  politics,  and  the  ballots  for  the  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President  in  the  various  Republican  National  Con- 
ventions. 

Necessarily  the  history  of  the  Republican  party  is  the 
largest  of  these  features.  Necessarily,  also,  owing  to  the  limita- 
tions of  space  imposed  upon  the  author,  the  history  is  in  some 
respects  only  an  outline  of  the  record  of  the  party.  Much  ground 
had  to  be  covered  in  these  forty-two  years  of  the  party's  life. 
Many  of  the  mightiest  events  in  the  Nation's  annals  occurred  in 
this  period,  and  in  nearly  all  of  them  the  Republican  party  bore  a 
positive  part.  All  are  mentioned  here,  and  the  principal  causes 
and  consequences  of  each  are  given,  but  if  the  restrictions  of  space 
could  have  been  relaxed  the  author  would  gladly  have  treated  some 
of  them  with  greater  fullness.  There  is  peril  in  this  method  of 
writing  history,  for  compression  can  easily  squeeze  the  spirit  out 
of  a  narrative.  Nevertheless  it  is  hoped  that  this  history  has  not 
degenerated  into  a  catalogue  of  facts  and  dates. 

On  most  of  the  prominent  questions  which  have  been  dealt 
with  by  Congress  the  vote  by  parties  is  given,  so  that  the  exact 
attitude  toward  them  of  each  of  the  two  great  organizations  is 
shown.  The  partisan  divisions  of  the  past  on  the  tariff  and  silver 
issues,  which  are  here  set  forth,  will  be  of  interest  at  the  present 


IV. 


Preface. 

day,  when  the  former  is  arousing  nearly  as  much  concern  as  it 
ever  did,  and  when  the  latter  is  receiving  far  more  attention  than 
it  ever  commanded  in  any  previous  period 

The  story  of  the  political  events  of  the  past  forty-two 
years — the  history  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  record  of  the 
Democratic  party  during  this  period — is  told  with  absolute  impar- 
tiality. Nothing  has  been  extenuated,  nor  has  aught  been  set 
down  in  malice. 

Charles  M.  Harvey. 

S/.  Louis ^  July  i,  1896. 


y. 


Charles  M.  Harvey. 


Contents. 


Page 
History  of  the  Republican  Party 1 

CHAPTER  I. 
Origin  of  the  Republican  Party 1 

CHAPTER   II. 
Spread  of  the  Party  Throughout  the  North 7 

CHAPTER  III. 
Politics  in  the  War  Period 12 

CHAPTER    IV. 
Rebuilding  the  Nation 19 

CHAPTER  V. 
Politics  in  the  New  Union 29 

CHAPTER   VI. 
A  Period  of  Unpartisan  Politics 34 

CHAPTER    VII. 
The  Republican  Party  and  the  Tariff 40 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
The  Republican  Party  and  the  Finance  Question 45 

CHAPTER    IX. 
The  Democratic  Restoration 53 

CHAPTER    X. 
Politics  in  Harrison's  Days 60 

CHAPTER   XI. 
Events  of  Cleveland's  Second  Term 69 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics    .    .    .    , 77 

Record  of  Ballots  in  Republican  National  Conventions 83 

Proceedings  Republican  National  Convention  of  1896 91 

Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Candidate  for  President 169 

Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Candidate  for  Vice-President     ...    .    .  171 


CONTENTS— Appendix. 


Page 

Roll  ok  Delegates  and  Alternates 175 

The  Presidents  of  the  United  States 211 

The  Presidents  Pro  Tempore  of  the  Senate 212 

The  Speakers  of  the  House 213 

Votes  for  President  and  Vice-President  Since  1789 214 


Portraits. 


William  McKinley  .  preceding  Title. 

Garret  A.  HoBART    .         "  " 

Charles  M.  Harvey facing  vi. 

Thomas  B.  Reed "  8 

Benjamin  Harrison "  16 

Levi  P.  Morton *'  24 

William  B.  Allison "  28 

Matthew  S.  Quay "  33 

John  Sherman "  40 

Justin  S.  Morrill "  44 

George  F.  Hoar "  48 

Joseph  R.  Hawley "  56 

William  P.  Frye "  60 

Stephen  B.  Elkins "  64 

Shelby  M.  Cullom "  68 

William  J.  Sewell "  72 

Charles  H.  Grosvenor     ...  "  76 

Convention  Committee.    ...  "  82 

Galusha  a.  Grow "  95 


PAOB 

Julius  C.  Burrows facing   96 

104 
113 
120 
124 
128 
136 
144 
152 
156 
161 
168 
176 
184 
192 
200 
209 
216 


Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
Joseph  B.  Foraker  . 
John  M.  Thurston  . 
Marcus  A.  Hanna 
Thomas  C.  Platt  ,  . 
Chauncey  M.  Depew 
William  O.  Bradley 
Lloyd  Lowndes  .  .  . 
Asa  S.  Bushnell  .  . 
William  Warner  .  . 
Richard  C.  Kerens  . 
Chauncey  I.  Filley. 
Warner  Miller  .  . 
Robert  R.  Hitt  .  .  . 
Henry  Clay  F^vans  . 
Gen.  McAlpine  .  .  . 
James  S.  Clarkson  . 


Convention  Auditorium facing  86 


History  of  the  Republican  Party, 


BY  CHARLES  M.  HARVEY. 


.  CHAPTER  I. 


Origin  of  the  Republican  Party. 


[Copyright,  1896,  by  Charles  M.  Harvey. 


5 


OCIAL  forces  are  commonly  in  operation  long  before  they  begin 
to  impress  themselves  upon  affairs.  This  truth  is  vividly  mani- 
fested in  the  career  of  political  organizations.  It  has  a  conspicuous 
illustration  in  the  historj'  of  the  Republican  party.  ' 


When,  to  the  bill  appropriating  $2,000,000  for  the  purchase  of  terri-  The  \yiiniot 
tory  from  Mexico  outside  of  Texas,  David  Wilmot,  a  Pennsylvania 
Democrat,  proposed  an  amendment  providing  that  "  neither  slaver>'  nor 
involuntary  servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said  territory 
except  for  crime,  whereof  the  partj^  shall  first  be  duly  convicted,"  the 
basic  principle  of  the  Republican  party  of  a  later  day  was  laid  down. 
This  amendment,  which  was  proposed  August  8,  1846,  demanded  the 
restriction  of  slavery  to  the  States  in  which  it  then  existed,  and  came  to 
be  known  in  the  politics  of  the  time  as  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  This  was 
eight  years  before  the  foundation  of  the  Republican  party. 

War  with  Mexico  was  under  way  three  months  when  Wilmot  intro-   The  war  with 

■'  Mexico. 

duced   his  amendment.      The    war  was   forced    by  the  South,  through 

the  annexation  of  Texas  in  1845,  in  order  to  increase  the  area  of  the 

slave  territory,  and  to  preserve  the  balance  in  the  Senate  between  the 

free  and  slave  States.       As  a  consequence  of   the  war  the  region  now 

known  as  California,  Nevada  and  a  large  part  of  Arizona,  Colorado  and 

New  Mexico,  was  obtained   from  Mexico,  for  which  the  United  States    compromise. 

paid  Mexico    $15,000,000,    and    assumed   debts    of   $3,250,000    due  by 

Mexico  to  United  States  citizens.     Most  of  this  territory  is  south  of  the 

parallel  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes,  in  which  slavery  was  permitted  by 

the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820,  while  north  of  that  line  slavery  was 

specifically  prohibited  by  that  compact. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

The  ostend  Etideavors,  inspired  in  the  South,  to  gain  possession  of  Cuba,  as 

Manifesto.  ^  nieans  of  adding  one  or  two  more  slave  States  to  the  Union,  began  to 
take  shape  immediately  after  the  Mexican  war,  and  they  culminated 
in  the  meeting,  in  1854,  of  James  Buchanan,  John  Y.  Mason  and  Pierre 
Soule,  the  United  States  Ministers  to  England,  France  and  Spain 
respectively,  at  Ostend,  Belgium,  from  which  consultation  resulted  a 
memorable  letter  to  the  Administration  of  President  Pierce,  urging  the 
Government  to  buy  Cuba,  and  to  seize  it  if  Spain  refused  to  sell.  This 
proposition  figured  in  the  history  of  the  time  as  the  Ostend  manifesto. 

The  North  was  opposed  to  the  increase  of  territory  in  the  slave 
region  for  the  same  reason  that  the  South  favored  it.  This  is  what 
prompted  the  Wilmot  slavery  restriction.    ^ 

A  sectional  division  on  the  question  was  immediately  created,  most 
of  the  Northern  members  of   Congress  favoring  the  proviso,  and  most 
of  the  Southern  members  opposing  it.     It  passed  the  House,  in  which 
the.'fM^'.'Saiaies  were  preponderant  through  representation  by  population, 
but  it  failed  in  the  Senate  through  the  balance  between  slave  and  free 
^parly    ,.;  -[States  ^^ihjph  the  South  had  contrived  to  preserve  until  the  admission  of 
California  as  a  free  State  in  1850.     The  proviso  created  the  Free  Soil 
party,  which  appeared  in  the  presidential  canvasses  of  1848  and  1852, 
was   a   rallying  point  for   the   friends  of   freedom  in  all  parties,   who 
were  necessarily^   confined  almost  whoUj'  to  the  North  and  the  border 
States,  and  consolidated  these  elements — anti- slavery  Whigs,  anti- slavery 
Democrats  and  Free  Soilers — when  Stephen  A.  Douglas'  Kansas -Nebraska 
act  of  May  30,  1854,  placed  slavery  on  an  equal  footing  with  freedom 
in  territory  north  of  latitude  36  degrees  and  30    minutes,   and   struck 
down  the  Missouri  barrier  erected  by  the  compromise  of   1820.     This 
combination,  at  first  vaguely  known  as  Anti -Nebraska  men,  eventually 
became  the  Republican  party. 
Need  for  a  New*         The  necessity  for  the  creation  of  a  new  party,  on  the  single  basis  of 
^^^         opposition  to  the  encroachment  of  the  slave  element,  became  plain  to 
the  friends  of  freedom  of  both  the  great  organizations  when  the  Southern 
end  of  the  Democracy  forced,  and  the  Whig  party  adopted,  the  fugitive 
slave  law  of  1850  as  compensation  for  the  permission  allowed  to  theciti- 
The  compro-  *  zens  of  California  to  form  a  free  State.      The  admission  of  California,  the 
miseo  1850.     fugitive  slavc  law  and  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  were    the    most   important  of  the  measures  constituting  the 
compromise  of  1850. 
Death  of  the  Each  organization,  the  Whig  and  the  Democratic,  was  dominated 

«K  arty,  i^y  -^g  Southern  end,  which  was  much  the  smaller  end  as  regards  the 
Whig  party.  As  a  consequence  of  the  Whigs'  surrender  in  1850,  and 
their  platform  indorsement  of  that  surrender  in  1852,  they  lost  ground  in 
the  presidential  canvass  of  the  latter  year,  carrying  only  four  States — 
Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee — out  of  the  thirty - 
one.  The  Whig  wreck  became  complete  when,  in  1854,  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act  made  slavery  extension  the  Democratic  programme,  and 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

the  Whigs  became  the  larger  element  of  the  new  party  which  adopted  the 
Republican  name. 

The  Congress,  overwhelmingly  Democratic  in  both  branches,  which 
came  into  existence  with  the  Democratic  President,  Franklin  Pierce, 
in  1853,  had  not  been  in  session  two  months  when  the  pretense  that 
the  compromise  of  1850  had  "settled  "  the  slavery  question  was  proven 
to  be  illusory.  This  was  shown  when  Senator  Archibald  Dixon,  a 
Kentucky  Whig,  gave  notice  that  when  the  bill  creating  the  Territory 
of  Nebraska  came  up  he  should  offer  a  resolution  repealing  the 
Missouri  compromise  in  that  Territory,  so  as  to  allow  slaves  to  be 
held  in  it. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  •The  Kansas- 
had  already  reported  to  the  Senate  a  bill  to  create  the  Territory  of 
Nebraska.  This  bill  provided  that  the  proposed  Territory,  or  any  part 
thereof,  when  admitted  as  a  State,  should  be  received  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  its  Constitution  should  prescribe.  On  hearing  Dixon's  prop- 
osition Douglas  immediately  had  the  bill  recommitted,  and  on  January  23 
it  went  before  the  Senate  in  its  final  shape.  The  new  bill  split  the 
Territory  into  two  divisions,  one  to  be  called  Kansas  and  the  other 
Nebraska,  the  boundaries  being  nearlj'-  the  same  as  those  of  the  present 
States  of  those  names,  except  that  the  westerly  limit  of  Kansas  was  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  The  bill  provided  that  the  question  of  slavery  in* 
each  Territory  should  be  left  to  the  representatives  of  the  residents,  that 
questions  of  titles  to  slaves  might  be  appealed  from  the  local  tribunals 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  that  the  provisions  of  the  fugitive  slave 
laws  of  1793  and  1850  should  be  extended  over  each  Territory.  • 

The  provision  to  allow  the  people  of  the  two  Territories  to  decide    -squatter  sov. 
for  themselves  whether  they  would  have  freedom  or  slavery,  was  the      ereigmty. 
popular  sovereignty  doctrine,  proposed  by  Lewis  Cass  as  early  as  1847, 
which  John  C.  Calhoun  dubbed  "squatter  sovereignty,"  and  which,  as 
patented  and   put   in   practical   operation   by    Douglas  in  the  Kansas - 
Nebraska  controversy  of  1854-60,  usually  bore  the  latter  designation. 

Both  Territories  being  in  the  Louisiana  purchase  north  of  latitude  ♦Repeal  of  the 

Missouri  Com- 

36  degrees  30  minutes,  slavery  in  them  was  prohibited  by  the  Missouri  promise, 
compromise.  The  Douglas  bill,  however,  removed  this  restriction* 
That  part  of  the  bill  which  extended  the  laws  of  the  United  States  over 
the  Territories  had  the  stipulation — "except  the  eighth  section  of  the 
act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved 
March  6,  1820,  which,  being  inconsistent  with  the  principle  of  non- 
intervention by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories,  as 
recognized  by  the  legislation  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  compromise 
measures,  is  hereby  declared  inoperative  and  void ;  it  being  the  true 
intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject 
only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Alarm 
Throughout 
the  Country. 


Protests  from 
the  North. 


Benton's 

Speech 

Against  the 

Kansas  Bill. 


The  Douglas  bill  startled  the  country.  The  South,  except  a  few  of 
its  leaders,  had  not  asked  for  it  or  expected  it.  The  North,  not  dream- 
ing of  the  possibility  of  such  a  surrender  to  slavery,  was  alarmed  and 
angered.  Here  was  the  Missouri  barrier  erected  by  Clay,  which  had 
existed  with  the  approbation  of  the  country  for  thirty -four  years, 
removed  at  a  signal  from  Clay's  successor,  Dixon.  The  interests  of 
freedom  in  the  North,  which  no  Southern  man,  except  Calhoun  and  a 
few  others  of  the  ultras,  ever  thought  of  threatening,  were  here  assailed 
by  a  Northern  Senator,  Douglas.  That  agitation  of  the  slavery  question 
which  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  supposed  in  1852  was  ended  by 
the  compromise  of  1850,  which  the  Democracy  in  its  Convention  in  1852 
pledged  itself  to  "  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of 
it,"  "under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  maybe  made,"  was 
reopened  in  1854  by  a  representative  Democrat. 

This  bill,  which  gave  slavery  an  equal  chance  with  freedom  in  a 
region  solemnly  dedicated  to  freedom  by  the  friends  and  foes  of  slavery  a 
third  of  a  century  earlier,  called  out  protestations  in  the  shape  of  resolu- 
tions from  the  I,egislatures  and  memorials  from  representative  citizens  of 
nearly  all  the  Northern  States,  which  poured  in  on  Congress  from 
the  time  of  the  presentation  to  the  passage  of  the  bill.  The  bill  was 
opposed  earnestly  by  the  Free  Soilers  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and 
by  most  of  the  Northern  Whigs,  and  by  some  Northern  Democrats. 
The  strongest  speeches  made  against  it  in  the  Senate  were  by  Seward, 
Sumner,  Fessenden,  Wade  and  Chase. 

To  an  argument  by  Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  Wade  made  a  retort 
which  was  often  cited  afterward.  "Why,"  said  Badger,  "if  some 
Southern  gentleman  wishes  to  take  the  nurse  who  takes  care  of  his  little 
baby,  or  the  old  woman  who  nursed  him  in  childhood,  and  whom  he 
called  '  mammy  '  until  he  returned  from  college,  and,  perhaps,  after- 
wards, and  whom  he  wishes  to  take  with  him  in  his  old  age,  when  he  is 
moving  into  those  new  Territories  for  the  betterment  of  the  fortunes  of 
the  whole  family — why,  in  the  name  of  God,  should  anybodj^  prevent 
it?"  "  The  Senator,"  remarked  Wade,  "entirely  mistakes  our  position. 
We  have  not  the  least  objection  to  the  Senator's  migrating  to  Kansas 
and  taking  his  old  'mammy'  along  with  him.  We  only  insist  that  he 
shall  not  be  empowered  to  sell  her  after  taking  her  there." 

The  most  impressive  speech  delivered  in  the  House  on  the  bill  was 
by  Thomas  H.  Benton,  who  opposed  it.  Benton,  who  was  one  of  Mis- 
souri's first  Senators,  who  had  been  in  the  Senate  thirty  years  continu- 
ously, retiring  in  1851,  and  who  entered  the  house  in  1853,  declared 
that  the  movement  for  the  annulment  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  had 
been  initiated  "without  a  memorial,  without  a  petition,  without  a  request 
from  any  human  being. ' '  He  denounced  Douglas  for  reopening  the 
slavery  question,  and  declared  that  the  Missouri  compact,  which,  he 
said,  had  been  forced  upon  the  North  by  the  South,  was  not  a  "  mere 
statute  to  last  for  a  day,"  but  "was  intended  for  perpetuity,  and  so 
declared  itself." 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Benton  was  nearlj'  the  last  survivor  of  the  generation  of  statesmen 
who  entered  public  life  in  the  early  days  of  Clay,  Webster  and  Calhoun. 
He  was  a  Jackson  and  not  a  Calhoun  Democrat.  Although  representing 
a  slave  State,  he  opposed  slavery  extension.  On  this  account  the  slave - 
holding  element  defeated  him  when  he  sought  a  sixth  term  in  the  Senate, 
and  the  scepter  of  supremacy  in  his  State,  which  he  had  worn  for  over  a 
quarter  of  a  centurj",  passed  to  David  R.  Atchison. 

The  opponents  of  the  bill,  however,  were  beaten  at  every  point.  It 
passed  the  Senate  March  3,  1854,  by  a  vote  of  37  to  14.  The  geograph- 
ical line  was  conspicuously  revealed  in  the  vote.  All  the  Southern 
Democrats,  except  one  (fourteen) ,  and  all  the  Southern  Whigs,  except 
one  (nine) ,  voted  for  the  bill.  The  Northern  Democrats  were  not  as 
true  to  the  sentiment  of  their  section,  for  fourteen  of  them  voted  with  the 
South,  which  made  the  thirty -seven  votes  for  the  bill.  The  fourteen 
opponents  of  the  bill  were:  Fessenden,  of  Maine;  Foote,  of  Vermont; 
Smith,  of  Connecticut;  Seward  and  Fish,  of  New  York,  and  Wade,  of 
Ohio,  all  Whigs;  Hamlin,  of  Maine  (subsequently  Vice-President); 
James,  of  Rhode  Island,  and  Dodge  and  Walker,  of  Wisconsin,  all  Dem- 
ocrats; Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Chase,  of  Ohio,  Free  Soilers,  and 
two  Southern  men,  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  Whig,  and  Houston,  of  Texas, 
Democrat.  This  list  was  published  often  in  the  Northern  papers  of  that 
time  as  a  roll  of  honor. 

*  The  bill  passed  the  House  on  May  22,  by  a  vote  of  113  to  100. 
Sixty -nine  (fifty -seven  Democratic  and  twelve  Whig)  of  the  113  votes 
were  furnished  by  the  South,  and  fort}' -four  (all  Democratic)  by  the 
North.  Ninet5'-one  (forty-four  Whig,  forty-four  Democratic  and  three 
Free  Soil)  of  the  100  votes  against  the  bill  were  from  the  North,  and 
nine  (seven  Whigs  and  two  Democrats)  were  from  the  South.  The  two 
Democrats  who  voted  against  the  majority  of  their  party  and  the  over- 
whelmingly predominant  sentiment  of  their  section  desen^e  grateful 
remembrance.  They  were  John  S.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  and  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  of  Missouri.*  May  30,  President  Pierce  put  his  signature  to  the 
bill,  and  it  became  a  law. 

The  North  was  profoundly  stirred  by  the  Nebraska  bill.  Eleven 
weeks  after  it  passed  the  Senate  and  one  week  before  it  passed  the 
House,  Horace  Greeley  declared  that  Douglas  and  Pierce  had  made 
more  abolitionists  in  three  months  than  Garrison  and  Phillips  could  have 
made  in  half  a  century.  Douglas  was  denounced  throughout  all  the 
free  States,  and  his  middle  name — Stephen  Arnold  Douglas — was  empha- 
sized for  the  treason  to  the  country  with  which  it  was  associated. 
Garrison's  paper  said  103  ladies  in  an  Ohio  village  sent  him  thirty 
pieces  of  silver,  as  the  price  of  his  betrayal  of  freedom.  Horace  Bush- 
nell,  a  Hartford  clerg^^man,  applied  to  him  the  terrible  words  of  the 
Hebrew  prophet :  ' '  Tidings  out  of  the  East  and  out  of  the  North  shall 
trouble  him ;  therefore,  he  shall  go  forth  with  great  fur}-  to  destroy  and 
utterly  to  make  away  many,  yet  he  shall  come  to  his  end  and  none  shall 


Passage  of  the 
Bill. 


Wrath  of  the 
Free  States. 


Cited  in 
Rhodes'  His- 
tory of  the 
United   States, 
Vol.  I.  p.  4%. 


Kansas  Act. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

help  him."     He  himself  afterward  said  that  he  could  have  traveled  from 
Boston  to  Chicago  by  the  light  of  his  own  effigies. 

The  South,  or  a  large  part  of  it,  which  appeared  to  care  little  about 
the  bill  when  it  first  came  up,  quickly  saw  it  meant  victory  for  slavery 
and  rejoiced  at  its  passage.  But  it  was  a  victory  of  Pyrrhus.  It  hurt 
victors  more  than  vanquished. 

No  other  act  placed  on  the  national  statute  book  in  the  sixty -five 
Effe".s  oTthe  Y^^^s  of  the  Government  along  to  that  time  ever  brought  such  mighty 
consequences.  By  putting  the  slavery  question  at  the  front  and  driving 
out  all  other  issues,  it  destroyed  the  partisan  affiliation  between  the 
West  and  South;  it  started  an  armed  struggle  in  Kansas  between  the 
free  and  slave  States ;  it  killed  the  Whig  party  by  driving  its  Southern 
end  through  the  half-way  houses  of  the  American  (Know-nothing)  party 
in  1856  and  the  Constitutional  Union  party  in  1860  over  to  the  Demo- 
cracy; it  united  the  Free  Soilers,  the  political  abolitionists,  the  majority 
of  the  Northern  Whigs  and  a  large  element  of  the  Northern  Democrats 
in  1854-6,  in  a  new  organization,  formed  to  fight  slavery  extension,  called 
the  Republican  party;  it  split  the  Democracy  in  1860,  thus  giving  the 
Republicans  the  victory  which  sent  the  South  out  of  the  Union,  precipi- 
tated the  war,  overthrew  slavery,  and  put  a  solid  North  and  a  solid 
South  in  politics  and  kept  them  in  almost  until  this  day. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  n. 


Spread  of  the  Party  Throughout  the  North. 


AUGUST  8,  1846,  when  David  Wilmot  introduced  his  slavery  exten- 
sion restriction,  and  May  30,  1854,  when  President  Pierce  signed 
the  bill  opening  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  to  slavery,  the 
former  of  which  gave  the  party  its  creed  and  the  latter  of  which  brought 
the  party  into  being,  are  important  datemarks  in  Republican  history. 

Five  great  ingredients,  standing  thus  in  order  of  numerical  import-* 
ance — Whigs,  Know-nothings,  anti- slavery  Democrats,  Free  Soilers 
and  political  abolitionists — entered  into  the  combination  which  became 
the  Republican  psLVty.  The  Whigs,  who  outnumbered  all  the  other 
elements  together,  gave  the  new  party  its  liberal  and  elastic  theories  of 
constitutional  interpretation,  the  Democrats  gave  it  its  regard  for  popular 
methods,  the  Free  Soilers  furnished  it  its  policy,  and  the  abolitionists 
contributed  a  dash  of  radicalism  which  tempered  the  conservatism,  that 
was  occasionally  disposed  to  be  reactionary,  of  the  Whig  element.  The 
Know-nothings  contributed  little  toward  the  party  except  votes,  and 
these  they  did  not  begin  to  furnish  until  a  split  occurred  in  their  con- 
vention in  1856,  on  account  of  the  slavery  issue. 

Seward,  Lincoln,  Greeley  and  Sherman  were  among  the  Republican* 
leaders  who  were  drawn  from  the  Whig  party.  Henry  Wilson  and  Henry 
Winter  Davis  came  from  the  Know-nothings;  Hamlin,  Trumbull  and 
the  Blairs  from  the  Democrats ;  Sumner,  Chase  and  Julian  from  the 
Free  Soilers,  and  Giddings  and  Lovejoy  from  the  abolitionists,  though 
the  two  la.st  named  had  also  acted  with  the  Free  Soilers.  •■ 

Apparently  the  first  sj'stematic  movement  to  form  a  new  party  was 
started  in  Ripon,  Wisconsin,  where  a  few  Whigs,  anti-slavery  Democrats 
and  Free  Soilers,  the  leading  spirit  of  whom  was  Alvan  E.  Bovay ,  a  Whig, 
met  in  a  church,  on  February  28,  1854,  to  take  steps  to  unite  all  the  oppo- 
nents of  slavery  extension  in  a  single  party.  This  was  four  days  before  the 
Kansas -Nebraska  bill  passed  the  Senate,  but  when  its  enactment  was 
inevitable.  At  another  meeting  by  the  same  persons,  held  March  20, 
Bovay  declared  that  the  new  combination,  which  had  begun  to  take  shape 
in  that  town,  would  assume  the  Republican  name.  It  is  said  that  in  1852 
he  predicted  to  Horace  Greeley  that  the  campaign  which  the  Whigs  had 
just  started  on  would  be  their  last  national  canvass ;  that  a  new  party  on 
the  sole  issue  of  hostility  to  .slavery  extension  would  take  the  Whig 
party's  place,  and  that  the  name  he  would  suggest  would  be  Republican. 

May  23,  1854,  a  day  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas -Nebraska  bill 
in  the  House,  thirty  Whig  and  Democratic  members  of  that  body,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Israel  Washburn,  Jr.,  of  Maine,  at  a  meeting  at  the  rooms 
of  two  Massachusetts  Representatives,  Edward  Dickinson  and  Thomas 


Datemarks    in 

Republican 

History. 


Ingredients  of 
the  Party. 


Early  Republi- 
can Leaders. 


The  Party's 
Birthplace. 


The  Ripon, 
Wis.,  and 
Washingrton, 
D.  C,  Move- 
ments. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

D.  Eliot,  pledged  themselves  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  form  a  party  to 
combat  slavery  extension,  and  they  agreed  that  it  should  be  called 
Republican.  These  are  the  earliest  authenticated  instances  of  the  appli- 
cation of  the  Republican  name  to  the  party  created  by  the  act  of  1854, 
throwing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  open  to  slavery. 

Some  of  the  histories  and  most  of  the  books  of  political  reminiscences 
Iwifi"  s^ate  '''^^  *^^  Republican  party  obtained  a  foothold  earlier  in  the  Eastern  States 
conventioii-    jj^^jj  jj  (jj^  j„  ^\^q  Wcst,    and  Massachusctts  and   New  York  are  often 

Micntifan  :>. 

made  the  birthplace  of  the  part>'.  This,  however,  is  a  mistake.  *  Mich- 
igan has  the  honor  of  being  the  first  State  to  officially  baptize  the  Repub- 
lican party.  At  a  State  Convention  composed  of  men  who  had  been 
members  of  the  Whig,  Democratic  and  Free  Soil  parties,  held  in  Jackson, 
Michigan,  on  July  6,  1854,  the  delegates  pledged  themselves  and  their 
constituents  to  "co-operate  and  be  known  as  Republicans  until  the 
contest  be  terminated  '  '*— meaning  the  contest  in  the  Territories  between 
slavery  and  freedom,  which  the  Kansas -Nebraska  act  precipitated. 
That  was  the  earliest  formal  and  specific  adoption  of  the  Republican 
name  by  any  large  body  of  citizens 

•  The  signers  of  the  call  for  the  Michigan  Republican  Convention 
^cyVvHTxTn  included  several  men  who  subsequent!}^  became  national  figures,  among 
'^Krwic^an*'^  them  being  Jacob  M.  Howard,   Austin  Blair,   Isaac  P.  Christiancy  and 

Name.  Zacliariah  Chandler.  Horace  Greeley  wrote  to  Howard  telling  him 
Wisconsin,  in  its  convention  to  be  held  July  13,  was  going  to  adopt  the 
Republican  name,  and  advised  Michigan  to  get  ahead  of  her,  which  she 
did.  Kinsley  S.  Bingham,  who  headed  the  State  ticket  nominated  by 
the  Michigan  Convention,  which  ticket  swept  the  State,  was  the  first 
Governor  who  was  ever  a  candidate  on  the  Republican  ticket.  Exception, 
of  course,  is  here  made  of  the  Jeffersonian  Republican  party  of 
1792-1829. 

•  State  Conventions  which  formally  adopted  the  Republican  name 
Conventions  in  *"^t  in  Wiscousiu  and  Vermont  July  13,  1854,  a  week  later  than  Michi- 
vcVmonr.Tias-  S^u's,  in  Massachusctts  September  7,  and  in  New  York  September  26. 
and'xlwYork.   Other  Northern  States  nominated  anti- slavery  tickets  in  1854,  without 

assuming  the  new  name.  Throughout  nearly  all  the  lemainder  of  the 
North  the  name  was  adopted  in  State  Conventions  in  1855. 

The  reason  why  the  West  joined  the  East  when  the  sectional  divi- 
why  the  West    sion  betwecu  the  States  took  place,  instead  of  clinging  to  the  South  as 
uistead'^ouhe*  it  had  douc  in  earlier  days,  were  the.se:  The  development  of  the  railroad 
South.        connection  with  the  Atlantic  seaboard  States  in  the  ten  or  fifteen  years 
preceding  1854,   created  a  stronger  physical  bond  between  West  and 
East  than  the  Mississippi  had  established   between  West  and    South. 
This,  and  the  fact  that  the  East  furnished  the  principal  home  market  for 
Western  products,  and  provided  most  of  the  supplies  for  which  these 
were  exchanged,  is  the  economic  reason  why  the  agricultural  West  broke 
from  the  agricultural  South  and  joined  the  manufacturing  East.     Immi- 
gration to   the  West,  so  far  as  it  consisted  of   home  immigrants,  was 


Speaker  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine. 


»     t 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

from  the  East  far  more  largely  than  from  the  South.  This  is  the  social 
reason  for  the  break  with  the  South  and  the  affiliation  with  the  East 
when  the  crisis  came.  The  moral  reason  for  the  change  was  in  the 
strong  anti -slavery  sentiment  carried  with  them  by  the  immigrants  from 
New  England,  whose  influence  could  be  traced  along  lines  of  latitude  in 
the  northern  parts  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  Michigan, 
Wisconsin  and  Iowa.  Most  of  the  foreign  immigrants  to  the  West  in 
those  days  were  Germans,  three -fourths  of  whom  were  anti -slavery 
men. 

There  are  two  principal  causes  why  the   Republican  party  got  a  y^.^y  the  Pany 
foothold  somewhat  earlier  in  the  West  than  it  did  in  the  East.     First,    ^sta^n  ftf [h^*^ 
the  West  was  assailed  more  directly  than  the  East  by  the  Douglas  act    ^^^j,^^  Eas"."* 
which  threw  the  Territories  open  to  slavery ;  and,  secondly,  party  organ- 
ization and  discipline  being  less  extensive  and  rigid  in  young  States  than 
in  old  ones,  the  chances  in  the  former  for  forming  new  partisan  com- 
binations are  always  better. 

On  January    17,  1856,  a  call  was  issued  by   the   Chairmen  of  the  pj^^j 

Republican  State -Committees  of  Maine,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New  '^xatlonal" 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana  and  Wisconsin,  inviting  Gathering, 
"the  Republicans  of  the  Union  to  meet  in  informal  convention"  at 
Pittsburg  on  February  22,  1856.  From  the  day  of  the  meeting  of  that 
gathering  the  life  of  the  Republican  party  as  a  national  organization 
dates.  That  assemblage  formed  a  Republican  National  Committee, 
which  committee,  on  March  29,  1856,  called  the  National  Delegate 
Convention  which  nominated  Fremont  for  President. 

Before  1856  came  the  Republicans  had  gained  control  of  most  of  the* 
fr^e  States.     In  the   congressional   elections  of    1854   they   secured    a 
plurality  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  not  a  majority,  the  Whigs 
who  had  as  yet  resisted  absorption  in  the  new  Republican  party  or  the 
Democracy,  together  with  the  Know-nothings,  the  anti -Alien  and  anti- 
Catholic  party  of  that  day,  holding  the  balance  of  power.     This  condition 
of  things  resulted  in  the  longest  contest  for  Speaker  in  the  record  of  the  Banks  Elected 
House   of    Representatives,  Nathaniel   P.   Banks,  of    Massachusetts,  a       sp^aJ'e'"- 
Republican,  being  elected  by  the  aid  of  a  few  Whigs  and  Know-nothings, 
on  a  plurality  vote,  on  February  2,  1856,  after  a  struggle  of  sixty-one 
days. 

This  was  the  first  Republican  triumph,  and  it  gave  the  party  much  Fremont 
encouragement  in  the  presidential  canvass.  Its  ticket  in  that  year,  Nominated, 
nominated  in  a  convention  which  met  at  Philadelphia  on  June  17,  was 
John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  for  President,  and  William  L.  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  declared  that  it  was 
"both  the  right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery";  demanded  the 
admission  of  Kansas  with  its  free  State  constitution,  and  condemned  the 
Ostend  manifesto  as  "the  highwayman's  plea  that  might  makes  right." 
The  tariff  was  not  mentioned  in  the  national  platform  until  1860. 


History  ok  the  Republican  Party. 


Civil  War  in 
KansaK. 


Republican 
Defeat  in  1856. 


The  Dred  Scott 
Decision. 


The    Lincoln- 
DotiKlaN  De- 
bate. 


'ohn  Brown's 
Invasion. 


Helper's 

Impending 

Crisis.  " 


The  Know-nothing  or  American  party  as  it  began  to  be  called  then, 
nominated  ex-President  Millard  Fillmore  for  President,  and  Andrew  J. 
Donelson  for  Vice-President,  in  a  convention  which  met  in  Philadelphia, 
February  22,  1856,  and  the  Democrats,  in  a  convention  which  met  in 
Cincinnati  on  June  2,  nominated  James  Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge for  the  first  and  second  oflfices  respectively. 

The  conflict  for  the  possession  of  Kansas,  between  the  free  State 
settlers  and  the  friends  of  slavery,  which  by  this  time  had  developed 
into  a  condition  of  civil  war,  aided  the  Republicans,  yet  their  time  to 
carr>'  the  country  had  not  yet  come.  The  business  interests,  always 
conser\'ative,  dreading  a  change  of  control  in  the  Government  at  that 
time,  threw  their  influence  in  favor  of  the  Democracy,  and  that  party 
carried  the  country.  Buchanan  received  1,838,169  popular  and  174 
electoral  votes,  as  compared  with  1,341,264  and  114  respectively  for 
Fremont  and  874,534  and  8  (the  electoral  votes  of  Maryland)  for  Fillmore. 
All  the  free  States  except  New  Jerse}',  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Illinois 
and  California  went  Republican.  The  vote  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  any 
one  of  the  other  four  free  States  would  have  given  the  Republicans  the 
victory. 

In  addition  to  their  failure  in  1856  to  gain  the  Presidency,  the 
Republicans  lost  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  they  had  won  on 
a  plurality  vote  in  1854,  but  they  secured  that  of  1858.  The  Republicans 
had  been  assisted  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision  of  1857,  declaring  that  slave 
holders  had  a  right  to  take  their  property  into  the  Territories ;  by  the 
unpopularity  in  the  North  of  the  Buchanan  Administration,  which  was 
dominated  by  the  Southern  end  of  the  Democracy,  and  which  tried  to 
force  the  Lecompton  pro -slavery  Constitution  on  Kansas,  in  opposition 
to  the  convictions  of  a  majority  of  its  citizens.  This  I^ecompton  contest 
in  Congress,  in  which  most  of  the  Northern  Democrats  voted  with  the 
Republicans  against  the  Administration,  was  the  great  political  event  of 

1858,  and  next  to  it  in  interest  was  the  struggle  for  the  Senatorship  in 
Illinois,  in  the  series  of  joint  debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 
Douglas  was  re-elected,  but  the  Republicans  gained  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, though  not  by  a  clear  majority.  This  produced  a  speaker- 
ship contest  almost  as  long  as  that  which  occurred  four  years  earlier,  and 
much  more  exciting.     John  Brown's   invasion  of  Virginia  in  October, 

1859,  and  the  publication  of  Helper's  '*  Impending  Crisis  of  the  South," 
which  was  an  attack  on  slavery  by  a  Southern  poor  white,  helped  to  in- 
tensify the  bitterness  between  the  sections.  The  speakership  contest 
began  when  Congress  met,  December  5,  1859,  three  days  after  Brown's 
execution,  and  lasted  fifty -eight  days.  John  Sherman,  the  original 
Republican  candidate,  who  had  indorsed  Helper's  book,  withdrew,  Wil- 
liam Pennington,  of  New  Jersey,  was  put  in  his  place,  and  he  was 
elected  by  the  aid  of  a  few  Northern  Know-nothing  votes. 

The  Republicans  were  nominally  in  control  of  the  House  of  1859- 
61,  presided  over  by  Pennington,  but  the  Senate  and  Executive  were 


10 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

against  them.     Fortune,  however,  was  on  their  side,  for  the  Democracy     '^spm'in"'^ 
split  in  the  convention  which  met  in  Charleston  April  23,  1860,  and  sub-   '^'convcnuoli*"* 
sequently    at  Baltimore,  put  up  two   tickets,  Breckinridge  heading  the 
Southern  end  and  Douglas  the  Northern.     This  turned  the  tide  strongly 
in  the  Republicans'  favor,  and  the  contest  for  their  candidacy  in    the 
convention  which  met  in  Chicago  on   May  16  was  spirited.     Seward  led 
on  the  first  ballot,  with  Lincoln,  who  became  known  to  the  country  in 
the  contest  with  Douglas  two  years  before,  second.     Most  of  Seward's  domination  of 
enemies  went  to  Lincoln,  and  he  was  nominated  on  the  third  ballot.        Lincoln. 
The  platform  denounced  the  Southern  threats  of  disunion ,  condemned  the 
Buchanan  Administration  for  its  subserviency  to  slaverj^  declared  that 
the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  country  was  that  of  freedom, 
demanded  a  homestead  law,  and  set  forth  that  "  while  providing  revenue 
for  the  support  of  the  general  Government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound 
policy  requires  such  an  adjustment  of  these  imports  as  to  encourage  the 
development  of  the  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country." 

A  fourth  ticket  was  also  in  the  field  in  1860,  that  of  the  Constitu-    Four  Tickets 

in  the  Field. 

tional  Union  party,  composed  of  old  Whigs  and  Know-nothings,  who 
still  kept  outside  both  the  great  organizations.  This  party,  in  a  conven- 
tion which  met  at  Baltimore  on  May  9,  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee, 
for  President,  and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 

No  canvass  before  or  since  was  as  earnest  or  exciting  as  that  of  1860. 
In  the  North  the  contest  was  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  except  in 
the  States  in  which  there  was  a  fusion  between  Douglas,  Breckinridge 
and  Bell ;  while  in  the  border  States  and  the  South  the  struggle  was 
between  Breckinridge  and  Bell.  Lincoln  received  only  a  trifling  number 
of  votes  in  any  of  the  slave  States,  except  in  Missouri,  where  he  had 
17,028<  or  more  than  he  got  in  all  the  rest  of  the  slavery  region 
combined.  The  split  in  the  Democracy  gave  the  Republicans  the  victor}', 
yet  the  popular  vote  was  far  short  of  a  majority.  Lincoln  received 
1,866,352  popular  and  180  electoral  votes;  Douglas,  1,375,157  and  12, 
respectively;  Breckinridge,  845,763  and  72,  and  Bell,  589,581  and  39. 
Lincoln  carried  all  the  free  States,  except  New  Jersey,  and  got  4  out  of 
the  7  electoral  votes  of  that  State,  Douglas  receiving  the  other  3,  and 
getting  Missouri's  9  in  addition.  Breckinridge  got  the  electoral  votes  of 
all  the  slave  States,  except  those  of  Missouri,  which  went  to  Douglas, 
and  those  of  Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  which  went  to  Bell. 
The  popular  vote  of  the  combined  opposition  was  944,149  greater,  and 
its  electoral  vote  was  57  less  than  those  of  the  Republican  party. 

Then  came  the  oft -threatened  secession.  South  Carolina's  ordi-  secession, 
nance  dissolving  her  relations  with  the  Union  was  passed  December  20, 
1860;  Mississippi's,  January  9,  1861;  Florida's,  January  10;  Alabama's, 
January'  11 ;  Georgia's,  January  19;  Louisiana's,  January'  26,  and  Texas', 
February  1.  After  the  Republican  power  began,  four  other  States 
seceded,  Virginia  going  out  on  April  17,  1861 ;  Arkansas,  May  6;  North 
Carolina,  Ma^^  26,  and  Tennessee,  June  8. 

11 


Lincoln's  Elec- 
tion. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Politics  in  the  War  Period. 


WHEN,  on  March  4,  1861,  the  Republican  party  went  into  power, 
the  Government  had  entered  that  most  eventful  and  critical  period 

Confederacy. 

of  its  history  since  its  establishment  m  1789.  Over  a  large  part  of  the 
country  the  Government's  power  was  obstructed  and  its  authority  defied. 
On  February  4,  1861,  the  Confederacy  was  founded,  which  consisted  at 
the  outset  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Louisiana  and  Texas.  After  hostilities  began  four  other  States — 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Arkansas — joined  these,  which 
constituted  the  eleven  States  under  the  sway  of  Jefferson  Davis.  The 
four  other  slave  States — Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri- 
did  not  secede,  though  all  of  them,  except  Delaware,  contributed  many 
soldiers  to  the  Confederate  armies  as  well  as  to  the  forces  of  the  Union. 

This  history,  however,  will  not  concern  itself  with  military  move- 
ments and  battles  except  where  they  determine  the  course  of  parties 
and  influence  politics. 
Period  of  Re  The    Republicans    were    now   the   party  of   the    Government,   and 

maintained  complete  control  of  affairs  for  fourteen  j^ears,  or  until  1875, 
when  a  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  came  into  power,  and  held 
the  Presidency  for  twenty -four  years,  or  until  Grover  Cleveland  had  his 
first  inauguration,  in  1885.  At  the  outset,  however,  they  would  not 
have  had  a  clear  majority  in  either  branch  of  Congress  if  the  South  had 
remained  in  the  Union.  If  all  the  States  had  been  represented  in  the 
Congress  of  1861-63,  the  combined  opposition — Douglas  Democrats, 
Breckinridge  Democrats  and  Constitutional  Unionists — would  have  had 
a  majority  over  the  Republicans  of  eight  in  the  Senate  and  of  twenty - 
one  in  the  House,  and  the  Republicans,  of  course,  would  thus  have 
been  powerless  to  enact  any  partisan  measures.  Lincoln's  hands  would 
have  been  tied.  But  secession  gave  the  preponderance  to  the 
Republicans,  and  the  conflict  which  it  brought  sent  most  of  the 
Northern  end  of  the  Constitutional  Union  party  into  the  Republican 
ranks.  It  also  put  an  element  of  the  Northern  Democracy,  the  war 
Democrats,  into  close  alliance  with  the  Republican  partj'  until  1866  or 
1867,  when  the  reconstruction  policy  sent  most  of  them  back  into  the 
old  fold. 

In  the  beginning  the  Administration  held  out  the  olive  branch  to 
sttitj^  the  the  South.  "I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  slaverj-  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have 
no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so."  Thus 
said  Lincoln  in  his  inaugural  address,  quoting  from  one  of  his  earlier 
speeches.    He  declared,  in  substance,  that  he  should  enforce  the  fugitive 

12 


Olive  Branch. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


slave  law,  and  that  he  took  the  official  oath  "with  no  mental  reservations, 
and  with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws  by  any 
hypercritical  rule."  Warning  the  South  that  "no  State,  upon  its  own 
mere  motion,  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union,"  he  said  that  "acts  of 
violence  within  any  State  or  States  against  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary,"  and  that  to  the  extent  of 
his  ability  he  should  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  enjoins,  "that  the 
laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States."  The  power 
confided  in  him,  he  said,  would  be  used  to  hold  the  property  and  places 
"belonging  to  the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts," 
but  beyond  what  might  be  necessary  for  these  objects  there  would  be 
"no  invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  anywhere." 

The  inaugural  closed  with  this  eloquent  appeal  for  peace :  "In  your 
hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the 
momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you. 
You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  *  * 
We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  *  *  *  Though  passion  may  have 
strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords 
of  memory  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every 
living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land  will  yet  swell  the 
chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the 
better  angels  of  our  nature." 

"It  is  a  peace  offering  rather  than  a  war  message,"  said  Douglas  in 
the  Senate  on  March  6.  This  was  the  Northern  view.  It  was  the 
Southern  view,  however,  that  the  loyal  part  of  the  country  awaited. 
That  view  was  not  long  delayed.  The  Lincoln  policy  "will  meet  with 
the  stern  and  unyielding  resistance  of  a  united  South,"  said  the  Rich- 
mond ''Whig''  on  March  5.  "Civil  war  must  now  come.  *  *  * 
Virginia  must  fight.  *  *  *  W^ar  with  Lincoln  or  with  Davis  is  the 
choice  left  us."     This  is  from  the  Richmond  Enqiiirer  of  the  same  da3\ 

While  Lincoln,  perplexed  by  the  divided  councils  of  his  Cabinet 
(Seward,  Secretary  of  State;  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  and  Smith, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  advising  the  abandonment  of  Fort  Sumter, 
and  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy; 
and  Blair,  Postmaster  General,  advising  its  relief  and  defense;  with 
Bates,  Attorney -General,  undecided),  hesitated  and  temporized  with  the 
hope  of  keeping  all  the  border  slave  States  in  the  Union,  and  at  last 
started  the  relief  expedition  too  late  to  accomplish  anything,  the  Con- 
federates attacked  and  captured  Sumter.  When  the  flag  fell  from  Sumter 
on  April  14,  the  Government's  vacillation  ended,  75,000  militia  were 
called  for  and  quickly  provided.  Congress  was  summoned  to  meet  in 
extra  session  on  July  4,  and  the  war  began. 

In  ability,  character  and  courage  the  Congress  which  met  on  the 
Nation's  birthday  in  1861 — the  Thirty -seventh  Congress — was  worthy 
to  grapple  with  the  tremendous  problems  which  presented  themselves. 
Among  the  conspicuous  figures  in  the  Senate  when  it  met  in  extra  ses- 


Appeal  for 
Peace. 


Southern 

Newspaper 

Opinions. 


Cited  in 
Rhodes"    "His- 
tory of  the 
United  States," 
vol.  iii.,  pp. 
318-319. 


The  Historic 

Thirty-Seventh 

Congrress. 


13 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

^fht^lnlte'"  ^^^^  were  Lyman  Trumbull  of  Illinois,  James  W.  Grimes  of  Iowa,  and 
William  Pitt  Fessenden  of  Maine,  three  of  the  seven  Republicans  whose 
votes  saved  Andrew  Johnson  from  conviction  in  the  trial  before  the 
Senate  seven  years  later;  the  veterans  Charles  Sumner  and  Henry  Wil- 
son of  Massachusetts;  Kinsley  S.  Bingham  and  Zachariah  Chandler,  of 
Michigan,  the  former  of  whom  was  the  first  candidate  for  Governor  ever 
selected  by  the  Republican  party,  being  nominated  in  the  earliest  Repub- 
lican State  Convention  ever  held,  that  which  met  in  Jackson,  Mich.,  on 
July  6,  1854,  of  which  body  his  colleague,  Chandler,  was  a  delegate; 
John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  the  first  avowed  anti -slavery  man 
elected  to  the  Senate,  and  Presidential  candidate  of  the  Free  Soil  party 
in  1852 ;  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  a  conspicuous  Free  Soiler  of  the 
earlier  day ;  Benjamin  F.  Wade  and  John  Sherman  of  Ohio,  the  latter  of 
whom  had  just  entered  upon  the  career  in  the  Senate  which  was  destined 
to  far  exceed  Thomas  H.  Benton's  in  duration;  Edward  D.  Baker,  of 
Oregon,  who  was  killed  three  months  later  at  the  head  of  his  troops  in 
the  disastrous  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff;  David  Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania, 
whose  slavery  restriction  proviso  of  1846  became  the  basic  principle  of 
the  Free  Soil  and  Republican  parties ;  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee, 
who  clung  to  the  Union  despite  the  secession  of  his  State,  and  whose 
courage  and  patriotism  won  him  the  prominence  among  the  War  Demo- 
crats which  gained  the  fateful  prize  of  the  Vice -Presidential  nomination 
on  the  Lincoln  ticket  in  1864,  and  James  R.  Doolittle  of  Wisconsin,  who 
broke  with  the  Republicans  early  in  the  fight  against  Johnson.  In  the 
Senate  also  at  the  opening  of  the  extra  session  were  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge of  Kentucky,  recently  Vice-President,  who  a  few  weeks  later  joined 
the  Confederacy,  thus  ending  what  appeared  to  be  the  most  promising 
political  career  opening  to  any  Democratic  statesman  of  that  day,  and 
Jesse  D.  Bright  of  Indiana,  who  was  expelled  from  the  Senate  a  few 
months  later  for  having,  in  a  letter  to  Jefferson  Davis,  recognized  him  as 
President  of  the  Confederacy. 

Great  Fijiures  The  Housc  of  the  Thirty -Seventh  Congress  was  presided  over  by  a 

man  who,  for  Congressman  at  large  in  the  election  of  1894,  received  a 
larger  plurality  (246,462)  than  was  ever  given  to  any  other  candidate  for 
any  office  in  the  United  States,  but  who,  between  1863  and  1894,  was  in 
private  life.  This  was  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  member  of 
the  present  House  of  Representatives.  Among  the  other  members  of 
the  House  of  1861-63  then  or  subsequently  distinguished,  were  John  A. 
Logan,  Owen  Lovejoy  (brother  of  the  Alton,  III.,  abolition  martyr  of 
1837) ,  and  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois ;  Schuyler  Colfax,  George  W. 
Julian  and  Daniel  W.  Voorhees,  of  Indiana,  the  first  of  whom  was 
afterward  speaker  three  terms  and  Vice-President  one  term;  the  second 
of  whom  was  the  Free  Soil  Vice -Presidential  candidate  in  1852,  and  one 
of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party,  and  the  third  of  whom  is  one 
of  Indiana's  present  Senators;  Henry  L.  Dawes,  of  Massachusetts, 
who  retired  from  the  Senate  in  1893;    William  Windom,  of  Minnesota, 

14 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

who  subsequently  won  fame  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  two 
Presidents,  separated  eight  years  from  each  other  in  time;  Francis  P. 
Blair,  Jr.,  of  Missouri,  who,  early  in  1861,  did  more  than  any  other  one 
man  to  save  that  State  to  the  Union,  and  candidate  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  on  the  Democratic  ticket  in  1868;  Roscoe  Conkling,  Reuben 
E.  Fenton  and  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  the  last  named  of 
whom  became  the  "father  of  the  greenbacks";    William  Allen,  Samuel 

5.  Cox,  George  H.  Pendleton  and  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio; 
William  D.  Kelley,  for  years  "father  of  the  House,"  and  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  a  leader  in  the  legislation  of  the  war  and  reconstruction  days, 
both  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  who  gave  his 
name  to  the  tariff  act  placed  upon  the  statute  book  a  few  months  earlier, 
and  who,  still  in  active  service,  has- had  his  name  on  the  roster  of 
Congress  longer  (forty -one  years  on  March  4,  1896)  than  any  other 
man  in  the  country's  history. 

In  his  message,  July  4,  1861,  to  Congress,  President  Lincoln  recited 
the  situation  in  the  seceded  States,  and  asked  for  "legal  means  for  making 
this  contest  a  short  and  decisive  one,"  recommending  the  placing  at  the 
control  of  the  Government  of  "at  least  400,000  men  and  $400,000,000." 

All  that  the  President  and  the  heads  of  the  different  departments     work  of  the 

,       ,      _.  ,        ,—,  .  ,  Extra  Session 

asked.  Congress  promptly  granted.     Ihe  extra  session  ended  on  August        of  i86i. 

6,  lasting  just  thirty -three  days,  but  in  that  time  it  passed  sixty -one 
public  bills  and  five  joint  resolutions.  In  no  other  session  of  Congress 
of  equal  duration  was  an  amount  of  business  at  all  approaching  this  in 
extent  and  importance  ever  transacted.  The  Republicans  were  over- 
whelmingly predominant  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  they  remained 
so  throughout  the  war,  but  most  of  the  Democrats  were  as  earnest  as  the 
Republicans  in  the  desire  for  a  prompt  suppression  of  the  rebellion. 

Among  the  more  important  work  of  the  extra  session  were  measures 
to  allow  the  enlistment  of  500,000  volunteers  for  three  years;  authorizing 
a  loan  of  $250,000,000;  increasing,  on  August  5,  1861,  duties  under  the 
Morrill  tariff  of  March  2,  1861 ;  levying  an  internal  revenue  and  income 
tax ;  directing  a  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports ;  imposing  a  direct  tax 
of  $20,000,000  on  the  States  and  Territories;  defining  and  punishing 
conspiracy ;  legalizing  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  which 
had  been  made  by  the  President  through  the  Commanding  General,  and 
confiscating  property,  including  slaves,  used  against  the  Government. 
The  last  named  act  was  signed  August  6,  1861,  the  last  day  of  the 
session. 

During  the  entire  four  years  of   the  war  the  Republicans  pushed 

...  _  ^  Creation  of  the 

legislation  m  this  vigorous  fashion.     They  raised  vast  armies,  created     Greenbacks 

.  .  and  the    Na- 

great  navies,  and  devised  ways  and  means  to  meet  an  expenditure  which,     tionai  Banks, 
during  a  large  part  of  the  war,  averaged  nearly  $3,000,000  a  day.     The 
Republicans  created  the  greenbacks  by  the  act  of  February  25,   1862, 
passed  a  homestead  law  May  20,  1862,  established  the  national  banking 
system  by  the  act  of  Februar>'  25,  1863,  and  abolished  the  note -issuing 

15 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Slavery  Causes 
Embarrass- 
ment. 


Fremont's  Pre- 

muture  At- 
tempt to  Free 
the  Slaves  Re- 
voked. 


Geo.  W.  Julian 
in  "Political 

Recollec- 
tions," p.  199. 


Congress  At- 
tacks  Slavery. 


I-incoln'.s 

Hmancipa- 

tion 

Proclamation. 


function  of  the  State  banks  by  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  imposing  a  tax 
of  10  per  cent  on  the  circulation  of  those  institutions. 

The  slavery  issue  which  caused  the  war  began  to  make  trouble  for 
the  Administration  very  early  in  the  struggle.     Gen.   Butler,  May  24, 

1861,  refused  to  give  up  to  their  owner  slaves  who  had  fled  to  Fortress 
Monroe,  holding  that  as  they  had  been  employed  in  constructing  a  Con- 
federate batter>'  they  were  "contraband  of  war,"  and  he  put  them  at 
work  in  the  Government  service.  Though  the  Administration  was  dis- 
posed to  deal  tenderly  with  slavery,  it  cautiously  sanctioned  Butler's 
policy,  and  the  entrance  of  "contrabands"  into  the  Union  lines  received 
a  great  impetus  from  this  course.  This  was  more  than  two  months  before 
the  passage  of  the  confiscation  act. 

But  a  few  months  later  the  question  presented  itself  in  a  more 
embarrassing  phase.  Gen.  Fremont,  commanding  the  Western  Depart- 
ment, issued  a  proclamation  August  31,  1861,  three  weeks  after  the 
confiscation  act  was  passed,  freeing  all  the  slaves  in  Missouri  belonging 
to  men  in  the  Confederate  service.  Lincoln  told  Fremont  that  this  proc- 
lamation would  ruin  the  Union  cause  in  Kentucky,  and  asked  him  to 
retract  it  so  as  to  conform  to  the  confiscation  act  of  August  6,  1861, 
which  freed  the  slaves  used  against  the  Government  and  no  others. 
Fremont,  unwilling  to  do  this,  asked  Lincoln  to  openly  order  him  to  do 
so,  which  Lincoln  did. 

This,  in  the  language  of  a  well-known  Republican  member  of  the 
Congress  of  1861-3,  "  produced  a  bitter  feeling  through  the  North." 
"  The  Republican  press  everywhere  applauded  it  "  (the  Fremont  proc- 
lamation), said  another  Congressman  of  that  day,  "and  even  such 
Democratic  and  conservative  papers  as  the  Boston  Post^  the  Detroit  Free 
Press,  the  Chicago  Times  and  the  New  York  Herald  approved  it."  The 
revocation  of  the  proclamation,  he  said,  was  a  "  terrible  disappointment 
to  the  Republican  masses,  who  could  not  understand  why  lo5'al  slave- 
holders in  Kentucky  should  be  offended  because  the  slaves  of  rebels  in 
Missouri  were  declared  free." 

A  proclamation  of  General  David  Hunter  in  South  Carolina,  May  9, 

1862,  abolishing  slavery  in  his  department,  was  also  disavowed  by 
Lincoln. 

Slavery,  however,  began  to  be  attacked  by  Congress  early  in  1862. 
April  16,  it  was  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  on  June  19  a 
bill  became  law  which  prohibited  it  in  the  Territories.  The  latter  act 
carried  out  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  of  1846,  and  thus  framed 
into  statute  the  creed  on  which  the  Republican  party  was  founded. 
The  fugitive  slave  law  was  abolished  on  June  28,  1864. 

Before  the  last  named  date,  however,  the  crowning  work  of  slavery 
destruction  was  performed.  The  South  rejected  the  overtures  which 
had  been  made  for  compensated  emancipation,  and  now  emancipation 
without  compensation  was  to  come.  Lincoln  submitted  to  the  Cabinet 
in  August,  1862,  a  draft  of  an  emancipation  proclamation,  which  Seward 


16 


liPZNJAMIN    liAKKISON,  OF  INDIANA. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

induced  him  to  postpone,  on  the  ground  that  if  issued  then,  while  the 
North  was  depressed  and  the  South  elated  over  the  recent  Union  defeats, 
particularly  that  of  Pope,  it  would  be  considered  a  despairing  appeal. 
The  Union  victories  at  South  Mountain  on  September  14  and  at  Antietam 
on  the  17th  parted  the  clouds,  and  the  proclamation  was  issued  on  the 
22d.  This  was  the  warning  that  unless  the  States  in  insurrection  re- 
turned to  their  allegiance  by  January  1,  1863,  the  slaves  in  them  would 
be  declared  free,  and  their  freedom  would  be  maintained  by  the  military 
and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States.  The  warning  being  unheeded, 
the  emancipation  proclamation  proper  was  issued  on  the  latter  date. 
After  quoting  the  substance  of  the  preliminary  proclamation,  it  declared 
that  the  slaves  in  all  the  States  then  in  insurrection  except  in  the  forty - 
eight  counties  of  Virginia  subsequently  admitted  to  Statehood  as  West 
Virginia  and  in  the  districts  in  the  other  part  of  Virginia  and  in  Lou- 
isiana within  the  Union  lines  were  free,  and  set  forth  that  "  the  Execu- 
tive Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such 
persons."  Congress  subsequently  gave  legal  sanction  to  the  emancipa- 
tion proclamation,  and  emancipation  was  made  complete  and  permanent 
b}'  the  thirteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which  was  proclaimed 
in  force  December  18,  1865. 

Notwithstanding  the  emancipation  proclamation  and  other  evidences  Republican 
that  Lincoln  was  at  last  in  favor  of  striking  slavery  as  hard  as  any  ele-  Lincoln, 
ment  of  the  Republican  party  Wanted,  a  movement  to  defeat  him  for 
renomination  began  in  1863,  six  or  eight  months  before  the  National 
Convention  met.  Part  of  Lincoln's  opponents  desired  the  nomination  of 
Chase,  and  Chase  equally  desired  the  candidacy,  but  he  left  the  decision 
of  the  question  to  his  own  State,  Ohio,  and  that  State's  Legislature,  on 
February  25,  1864,  declared  in  favor  of  Lincoln  for  a  second  term. 
Soon  afterward  Chase,  in  a  letter,  directed  his  friends  to  discontinue 
coupling  his  name  with  the  candidacy. 

Another  element,  which  had  its  center  of  inspiration  in  Missouri, 
favored  Fremont,  and  thought  that  his  removal  from  command  in  the 
Department  of  the  West,  although  his  incompetency  seemed  to  most 
persons  to  be  fairly  revealed,  was  persecution  on  the  Administration's 
part.  B.  Gratz  Brown  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  this  element.  In  a 
mass  convention  which  met  in  Cleveland,  May  31,  1864,  a  week  before 
the  regular  Republican  Convention  assembled,  Fremont  was  nominated  for 
President,  and  Gen.  John  Cochrane,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-President. 
They  withdrew  from  the  canvass  on  September  2 1 . 

There  was  strong  opposition  to  Lincoln  among  Republican  leaders.   Factional  hos- 
A  prominent  Republican  Congressman  of  that  day  still  alive  says :  "Of  the     "  '^co\n.  "* 
more  earnest  and  thoroughgoing  Republicans  in  both  houses  of  Congress, 
probably  not  one  in  ten  really  favored  it" — Lincoln's  renomination.     "It    icaf  Recoiiec- 
was  not  only  very  distasteful  to  a  large  majority  of  Congress,  but  to  many 
of  the  most  prominent  men  of  the  party  throughout  the  country. ' ' 

17 


lions,"  p.  243. 


History  ok  the  Republican  Party. 


Lincoln 
Renominated. 


Gen.McClellan 
Put  Up  by  the 
Democrats. 


Lincoln  Re- 
elected. 


The  War 
Ameudint'nts. 


The  War 
Ended. 


The  people,  however,  in  Lincoln's  words,  felt  that  it  was  bad  policy 
to  "swap  horses  while  crossing  a  stream,"  and  their  will  prevailed.  In 
the  regular  Republican  and  Union  Convention,  which  met  in  Baltimore 
June  7,  Lincoln  received  484  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  every  vote  in  the 
Convention  except  Missouri's,  which  were  cast  for  Grant.  These, 
though,  were  immediately  transferred  to  Lincoln,  and  he  was  renominated 
unanimously.  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  a  war  Democrat,  was 
selected  for  Vice-President,  in  recognition  of  the  aid  which  the  Union 
received  from  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Democrats  in  thie  army,  and 
from  an  element  of  them  in  Congress. 

Man}'  of  the  Republican  leaders,  and  also  Lincoln  himself,  thought 
at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  that  Republican  success  was  contingent 
on  militar>'  victories.  The  blunder  of  the  Democrats,  indeed,  at  the 
Convention  which  met  in  Chicago  August  29,  in  declaring  the  war  to  be 
a  "failure,"  aided  the  Republicans  materially,  although  Gen.  McClellan, 
the  Democratic  candidate,  repudiated  that  utterance  in  his  letter  accepting 
the  nomination.  Grant's  negative  successes  in  the  Richmond  campaign 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1864,  and  Sheridan's  positive  victories  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  Sherman's  in  Georgia  and  Farragut's  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  made  a  complete  and  radical  change  in  the  situation,  proved  the 
war  not  to  be  a  "failure,"  and  elected  the  Republican  and  war 
Democratic  candidates.  Lincoln  and  Johnson  carried  twenty -two  States, 
every  State  which  voted  except  New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Kentucky. 
These  went  to  McClellan.  Lincoln's  electoral  vote  was  212,  and 
McClellan's  21.  The  popular  vote  was  2,216,067  for  Lincoln,  and 
1,808,725  for  McClellan. 

The  story  of  the  remaining  political  events  of  the  war  days  is  quickly 
told.  In  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty -eighth  Congress,  which  began 
December  6,  1864,  the  most  important  legislation  was  the  passage  of  the 
thirteenth  amendment,  which  went  through  the  Senate  in  the  first  session 
of  that  Congress  (April  8,  1864),  by  a  vote  of  38  (36  Republicans  and  2 
Democrats)  to  6  (all  Democrats).  It  passed  the  House  January  31, 
1865,  by  a  vote  of  119  (105  Republicans  and  14  Democrats)  to  56  (all 
Democrats),  and  was  signed  by  the  President  February  1.  This  legal- 
ized and  completed  the  work  of  the  emancipation  proclamation,  and, 
indorsed  at  Appomattox  two  months  later  and  subsequently  ratified  by 
the  States,  it  decreed  that  slavery  should  never  exi.st  "  within  the  United 
States  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction." 

The  thirteenth  amendment  was  declared  in  operation  December  18, 
1865;  the  fourteenth,  proposed  in  1866,  was  adopted  July  28,  1868;  and 
the  fifteenth,  proposed  in  1869,  went  into  effect  March  30,  1870. 

Before  the  thirteenth  amendment  went  into  operation  the  war  was 
ended,  Lincoln  was  assassinated,  and  the  work  of  restoring  the  seceded 
States  to  their  old  relations  to  the  Government  was  begun. 


18 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Rebuilding  the  Nation. 


Reconstiuc 
tion  Problem. 


THE  end  of  war  brought  problems  to  the  Republican  party  as  serious 
and  perplexing  as  that  conflict  presented.  The  State  Governments 
and  entire  civil  authority  of  the  eleven  seceded  States  were  overthrown 
when  the  armies  of  the  Confederacy  surrendered  at  Appomattox,  and  the 
region  was  virtually  held  as  conquered  territory.  How  were  those  States 
to  be  treated?  What  process  should  be  adopted  to  restore  them  to  their 
old  relations  to  the  Union? 

These  questions  received  several  sorts  of  answers.  President  Lin-  uncoins pian 
coin's  theory,  as  based  on  a  proclamation  issued  on  December  8,  1863, 
was  that  the  States  were  never  legally  out  of  the  Union,  and  all  that  was 
necessary  to  put  them  back  in  their  old  positions  was  that  a  sufficient 
number  of  their  citizens,  one -tenth  being  the  proportion  prescribed  by 
him,  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  set  up  a  loyal  Government. 
Amnesty  at  the  same  time  was  to  be  granted  to  all  who  served  in  the 
Confederacy,  except  a  small  specified  number  of  its  leaders.  Practically 
speaking.  Congress  was  to  have  nothing  to  do  directly  with  the  restora- 
tion of  the  seceded  States,  except  to  pass  upon  the  admission  of  these 
States'  representatives.  This,  in  its  principal  features,  was  Lincoln's 
reconstruction  policy,  which  Johnson  attempted  to  carry  out  after 
Lincoln's  death,  April  15,  1865,  but  which  was  defeated  b>^  Congress. 

This  plan  encountered  opposition  in  Congress  on  the  ground  that 
the  terms  were  too  lenient,  and  that  they  did  not  exact  a  sufficient  guar- 
antee for  the  South 's  observance  of  even  these  conditions  in  good  faith. 
A  bill  to  remedy  these  defects,  or  assumed  defects,  was  pushed  through 
Congress,  but  was  killed  by  the  "pocket  veto"  on  July  4,  1864,  on 
the  adjournment  of  Congress.  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation  July  8, 
defending  his  course,  to  which  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  the  House,  and 
Benjamin  F.  Wade  of  the  Senate,  the  leading  advocates  of  the  bill, 
replied  in  a  letter  published  in  the  New  York  Tribtuie. 

The  Davis -Wade  manifesto  concluded  with  this  threat:  "The  Pres- 
ident has  greatly  presumed  on  the  forbearance  which  the  supporters  of 
his  Administration  have  so  long  practiced,  in  view  of  the  arduous  con- 
flict in  which  we  are  engaged  and  the  reckless  ferocity  of  our  political 
opponents.  But  he  must  understand  that  our  support  is  of  a  cause  and 
not  of  a  man  ;  that  the  authority  of  Congress  is  paramount  and  must  be 
respected;  *  *  *  and  if  he  wishes  our  support  he  must  confine  him- 
self to  his  executive  duties — to  obey  and  execute,  not  make  the  laws — 
to  suppress  by  arms  armed  rebellion,  and  leave  political  reorganization 
to  Congress." 


Congress 
Opposes  It. 


The 
Davis-Wade 
Manifesto. 


19 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Conflict  Be- 
tween Lincoln 
and   Conifress. 


See 
Chapter  IIL 


Congress  De- 

featsJohnson's 

ProRramme. 


Congrress  Over- 
rides Vetoes. 


Johnson  Ef- 
faced. 


This  brought  on  a  conflict  between  Lincoln  and  the  majority  of  the 
Republicans,  and  for  a  time  raised  up  some  opposition  to  his  re-election, 
which  disappeared,  however,  before  November  came.  Lincoln  had  been 
renominated  a  month  earlier,  in  a  National  Union  Convention,  which 
met  at  Baltimore,  June  7,  and,  as  stated  in  a  previous  chapter,  was  re- 
elected by  an  overwhelming  majority,  but  died  April  15,  1865,  six  weeks 
after  the  beginning  of  his  second  term.  Thus  was  left  to  Andrew  John- 
son, who  shared  Lincoln's  views  that  the  insurgent  States  were  never 
out  of  the  Union,  and  who  had,  in  addition,  some  States  rights  notions 
which  Lincoln,  as  an  old  Whig,  never  entertained,  a  task  which  would 
have  severely  taxed  Lincoln's  resourcefulness,  tact  and  persuasiveness » 
a  series  of  qualities  which  Johnson  conspicuously  lacked. 

In  carrying  out  the  Lincoln  programme  of  reconstruction  President 
Johnson  had,  by  the  time  Congress  met,  December  4,  1865,  recognized 
all  the  seceded  States,  except  Texas,  on  their  ratification  of  the  thirteenth 
amendment.  Congress  believed  that  the  protection  of  the  liberated 
negroes  in  the  South  could  not  be  secured  under  the  presidential  scheme, 
and  a  more  drastic  policy  was  framed.  Admission  to  the  representatives 
of  the  seceded  States  was  refused  by  Congress,  and  that  body,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  the  leading  spirit  of 
which  was  Thaddeus  Stevens,  gradually  formulated  the  policy  which 
ultimately  prevailed  by  being  passed  over  the  veto. 

Congress'  refusal  to  admit  the  representatives  of  the  seceded  States 
was  the  first  gun  in  the  war  between  that  body  and  the  President  on  the 
reconstruction  question.  The  contest  was  vigorous  and  persistent  until 
it  culminated  in  Johnson's  impeachment  in  1868.  The  civil  rights  bill 
for  the  protection  of  the  emancipated  negroes  in  the  South  which 
Congress  passed,  the  President  vetoed  March  27,  1866,  and  the  Senate 
passed  it  over  the  veto  April  6,  and  the  House  did  it  April  9.  A  freed - 
man's  bureau  bill  for  the  relief  of  ex -slaves,  to  continue  the  work  of  an 
act  for  this  object,  which  was  passed  March  3,  1865,  to  last  a  year,  was 
vetoed  by  Johnson,  February  19,  1866.  In  a  slightly  different  shape  it 
was  passed  in  July  of  the  latter  year,  vetoed  on  the  16th  of  that  month, 
and  passed  over  the  veto  the  same  day.  Johnson  retaliated  in  a  speech 
in  Washington,  February  22,  1866,  and  in  others  in  Cleveland,  Chicago 
and  St.  Louis,  in  August  and  September  of  that  year  in  his  "swing 
around  the  circle,"  in  which  he  fiercely  attacked  Congress.  Some  of  the 
charges  in  these  speeches  figured  in  the  subsequent  articles  of 
impeachment. 

The  conflict  aroused  great  popular  interest,  enabled  the  Republicans 
to  hold  their  majority,  then  overwhelmingly  large,  in  the  congressional 
elections  of  1866,  and  after  passing,  some  of  them  over  the  veto,  bills 
establishing  negro  suffrage  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  in  the 
Territories,  admitting  Nebraska  to  Statehood  on  condition  that  it  should 
never  deny  the  franchise  to  any  person  on  account  of  race  or  color,  an 
army  appropriation  bill  with  a  clause  virtually  taking  the  command  of 


20 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

the  army  from  the  President  and  giving  it  to  the  General  (Grant)  of  the 
army,  and  the  tenure  of  office  act,  which  tied  Johnson's  hands  in  the 
matter  of  removals,  Congress  brought  forward  its  reconstruction  scheme 
proper. 

This  measure,  which  was  passed  over  thie  President's  veto  March  2,  ^Ref^nstnic"' 
1867,  divided  the  South  into  five  military  districts,  under  command  of  "on  scheme. 
Generals,  who  were  to  supervise  the  registration  of  voters,  including 
negroes  and  excluding  the  ex  -  Confederates  disqualified  by  the  fourteenth 
amendment,  which  voters  were  to  frame  State  Constitutions.  These 
States,  after  their  Constitutions  were  accepted  by  Congress,  were  to  be 
admitted  to  representation  at  Washington  when  they  had  ratified  the 
fourteenth  amendment. 

The  State  Constitutions  which  were  adopted  under  the  reconstruc-  conditions  of 
tion  act  of  March  2,  1867,  abolished  slavery,  repudiated  the  debts  ^'^*^tion!"°''^' 
incurred  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  Government,  renounced 
the  right  of  secession,  and  agreed  to  pass  no  laws  abridging  the  liberty 
of  any  class  of  citizens.  Complete  sets  of  State  officers  were  elected 
under  these  constitutions  in  all  of  the  eleven  seceded  States.  Negro 
suffrage,  which  was  one  of  the  important  features  of  the  reconstruction 
policy  in  its  ultimate  phase,  was,  from  the  beginning,  a  fundamental 
condition  in  Thaddeus  Stevens'  plan  of  State  restoration. 

Under  this  scheme  the  "carpet  bag"  and  negro  regime  began.  The  "carpet 
Tennessee  had  been  admitted  to  representation  before  the  reconstruction  ^^  egime. 
act  was  passed,  or  on  June  24,  1866,  while  Arkansas,  Alabama,  the  two 
Carolinas,  Florida  and  Louisiana  were  let  in  in  1868,  and  Virginia, 
Mississippi,  Texas  and  Georgia  in  1870;  the  last  four,  as  punishment  for 
their  delay  in  conforming  to  the  prescribed  conditions,  being  required  to 
ratify  the  fifteenth  amendment  also.  With  Georgia's  final  readmission 
by  the  act  of  July  15,  1870,  the  roll  of  States  was  again  complete.  The 
measures  mentioned,  with  the  so-called  "force  bills"  of  1870  and  1871, 
constituted  the  chief  features  of  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  Union. 

Long  before  this  time,  however,  the  impeachment  of  President 
Johnson  had  occurred.  Congress,  which  had  effaced  the  President  early 
in  the  conflict  between  them,  then  determined  to  remove  him.  January 
7,  1867,  two  months  before  the  passage  of  the  reconstruction  act,  James 
M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  in  the  House  charged  Johnson  with  corruptly  using 
the  appointing,  pardoning  and  veto  power,  and  w^ith  committing  other 
acts  which  were  "high  crimes  and  misdemeanors."  Five  of  the  Judi- 
ciary Committee  which  investigated  the  charges  reported  in  favor  of 
impeachment  and  four  opposed  it,  but  the  House,  December  7,  voted  it 
down  by  109  to  56. 

A  stronger  pretext  for  impeachment,  however,  now  presented  itself. 
Secretary  of  W^ar  Stanton,  the  only  Cabinet  ofiicer  hostile  to  Johnson's  The  Johnson- 
reconstruction  policy,  was  suspended  bj'  Johnson  August  12,  1867,  as  rei. 

the  tenure  of  office  act  of  March  2  of  that  year  permitted,  and  Gen.  Grant 
was  made  Secretary  ad  interim,  and,  as  that  act  required,  Johnson  laid 

21 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


his  reasons  for  this  course  before  the  Senate  when  it  met.  That  body, 
January  13,  1868,  by  a  party  vote  of  35  to  6,  refused  to  sanction  this 
action,  and  Grant  retired  and  Stanton  resumed  office. 

February  21,  Johnson,  taking  the  ground  that  the  tenure  of  office 
act  did  not  apply  to  Cabinet  officers  appointed  by  Lincoln,  removed 
Stanton  and  selected  Adjutant -General  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  his  place  ad 
interim.  Stanton,  backed  by  a  vote  of  the  Senate  that  the  President  had 
no  power  to  remove  him,  refused  to  vacate  the  office. 

February  24,  by  a  strict  party  vote — 126  to  42 — the  House  adopted 
The  House  im-  q^  rcsolutiou  of  impeachment,  and  on  the  25th  appointed,  as  managers  of 
Johnson.  ^j^g  prosecutiou,  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio,  George  S.  Boutwell  and 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  of  Massachusetts,  James  F:  Wilson  of  Iowa,  Thomas 
Williams  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  A.  Logan  of 
Illinois.  On  March  4,  the  House  prosecutors  presented  eleven  articles 
of  impeachment  in  the  Senate.  The  first  nine  mainly  charged  violations 
of  the  tenure  of  office  act  in  the  Stanton  and  other  cases ;  the  tenth  said 
that  Johnson  attempted  to  "bring  into  disgrace,  ridicule,  hatred,  con- 
tempt and  reproach  the  Congress  of  the  United  States"  by  a  speech 
made  in  Washington,  August  18,  1866,  at  Cleveland  September  3  of  the 
same  year,  and  at  St.  Louis  September  8 ;  and  the  eleventh  set  forth 
that  in  the  Washington  speech  before  mentioned  he  declared  that  the 
Thirty -ninth  (1865-67)  Congress  was  not  a  Congress  authorized  to 
exercise  legislative  power,  but  a  Congress  of  only  part  of  the  States, 
"thereby  denying  and  intending  to  deny  that  the  legislation  of  said 
Congress  was  valid  and  obligatory. upon  him." 

It  soon  became  evident  to  the  impeachers  that  the  only  articles  on 
which  there  was  any  chance  for  conviction  were  the  second,  third  and 
eleventh.  The  vote  in  the  Senate  on  the  eleventh  article  was  taken  first. 
Johnson's  answer,  through  his  counsel,  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh  articles 
was  the  general  right  of  free  opinion  and  free  speech. 

May  16,  the  Senate's  judgment  on  the  eleventh  article  was  rendered 
by  thirty-five  Senators  voting  "guilty,"  and  nineteen  "not  guilty." 
The  thirty -five  were  all  Republicans,  and  the  nineteen  were  twelve 
Democrats  and  seven  Republicans.  The  seven  Republican  Senators  who 
voted  with  the  Democrats  were  W.  P.  Fessenden  of  Maine,  J.  S.  Fowler 
of  Tennessee,  J.  W.  Grimes  of  Iowa,  J.  B.  Henderson  of  Missouri,  E. 
G.  Ross  of  Kansas,  Lyman  Trumbull  of  Illinois,  and  P.  G.  Van  Winkle 
of  West  Virginia.  One  vote  transferred  from  the  smaller  to  the  larger 
side  would  have  given  that  side  the  necessary  two -thirds,  and  the  Presi- 
dent would  have  been  removed. 

Johnson's  answer  to  the  second  and  third  articles,  on  which  the  im- 
peachment case  then  rested,  was,  in  substance,  that  Stanton,  being  an 
appointee  of  Lincoln,  and  not  reappointed,  was  not  embraced  in  the 
terms  of  the  tenure  of  office  act;  that,  therefore,  his  removal  was  in  the 
power  of  the  President,  and  that  Thomas'  appointment  was  to  fill  an 
actual  vacancy. 


Republican 

Votes  Against 

Conviction. 


22 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


May  26  the  Senate  passed  judgment  on  these  two  articles  by  exactly 
the  same  vote  as  on  the  eleventh.  A  motion  to  drop  the  prosecution  at 
this  point  was  then  carried  by  34  yeas  to  10  nays.  By  a  perilously  nar- 
row margin  the  Republican  party  was  saved  from  a  grave  partisan 
blunder,  and  a  profound  and  lasting  humiliation  to  the  countr>'  was 
averted.  The  Chief  Justice  directed  a  verdict  of  acquittal  to  be  entered 
on  the  record,  and  the  Senate,  sitting  as  a  court  of  impeachment,  ad- 
journed without  day. 

Several  months  before  President  Johnson's  trial  ended,  the  Repub- 
licans began  to  turn  to  General  Grant  as  the  presidential  standard- 
bearer.  There  was  some  doubt  as  to  his  politics,  for  the  only  vote  he 
ever  cast  for  President  was  for  Buchanan  in  1856.  Seward  and  Chase — 
the  first  by  continuing  to  serve  in  Johnson's  Cabinet  and  to  aid  in  at- 
tempting to  carry  out  his  policy,  and  the  second  by  his  hostility,  or 
imagined  hostilit3^  to  the  project  to  remove  Johnson — had  lost  caste  in 
their  part3^  and  there  was  no  Republican  in  Congress  who  could  com- 
mand the  support  of  all  the  party's  elements.  The  strength  of  a  military 
candidate  had  been  shown  in  the  case  of  Jackson,  W.  H.  Harrison  and 
Taylor,  the  last  named  of  whom,  like  Grant,  had  never  held  a  civil  post 
at  the  time  of  his  nomination. 

Grant's  attractions  as  a  presidential  quantity  appealed  powerfull)-  to 
the  Republican  leaders.  He  was  the  first  soldier  of  the  age ;  he  was  no 
politician,  and  therefore  might,  in  ofiice,  be  readily  managed  by  the 
politicians ;  his  connection  with  the  reconstruction  troubles  showed  him 
to  be  hostile  to  Johnson's  policy,  while  he  had  not  been  mixed  up  in 
them  prominently  enough  to  arouse  antagonism  in  any  element  of  the 
party.  Moreover,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Whigs  and  General  Taylor 
twenty  years  earlier,  the  Republican  part}'  managers  feared  that  if  they 
did  not  appropriate  Grant  the  Democrats  would.  Grant  received  a 
unanimous  nomination  in  the  National  Convention  which  met  in  Chicago 
May  20,  1868,  six  days  before  President  Johnson's  acquittal,  and 
Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  who  was  then  serving  his  third  term  as 
Speaker  of  the  House,  was  selected  for,  Vice-President,  his  princi]ial 
rivals  for  that  honor  being  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  Reuben  E.  Fenton  and 
Henry  Wilson,  the  last  named  of  whom  was  nominated  for  the  office 
four  years  later. 

The  Democrats,  in  a  convention  which  opened  in  New  York  on 
July  4,  put  up  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York,  for  President,  and 
Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  of  Missouri,  for  Vice-President.  Reconstruction 
was  the  principal  issue  dealt  with  in  the  platforms  of  both  parties  and  in 
the  campaign.  Not  the  faintest  doubt  was  any  time  felt  as  to  the  result 
of  the  election.  Negro  suffrage  and  the  disfranchisement  of  many 
ex -Confederates  made  several  Southern  States  sure  for  the  Republicans, 
and  they  would  have  no  difficulty  in  securing  a  large  majority  of  the 
Northern  States.  Grant  carried  twenty-six  States,  and  Seymour  only 
eight  (New  York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware.  Maryland,  Georgia,  Louisiana, 


The  Senate 
Acquits  Him. 


The  Repub- 
licans Turn  to 
Grant. 


Grant  Nomi- 
nated. 


The  Demo- 
crats nominate 
Seymour. 


Grant  Elected. 


23 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

Kentucky  and  Oregon),  receiving  3,015,071  popular  and  214  electoral 
votes,  as  compared  with  2,709,613  of  the  fonner  and  80  of  the  latter  for 
Seymour,     Virginia,  Mississippi  and  Texas  had  not  yet  complied  with 
the  terms  of  the  reconstruction  act,  and  their  votes  were  not  counted. 
The    "Southern    question"  was    the    chief  disturbing    element    in 

^*Questio'n  ""'  Grant's  first  term,  as  it  had  been  in  that  of  Johnson,  but  in  Grant's 
time  the  Executive  and  Congress  were  in  harmony.  As  previously 
mentioned,  the  general  work  of  reconstruction  was  completed  before  his 
first  term  ended;  the  so-called  "force  bills"  and  ku-klux  legislation 
were  enacted  and  subsequently  modified  by  eliminating  their  harsher 
features;  the  seceded  States  had  all  taken  their  old  places  in  the  Union, 
Georgia,  the  last  of  the  erring  sisterhood,  being  readmitted  by  the  act  of 
July  IvS,  1870,  and  the  negro  governments,  made  possible  by  the  recon- 
struction law  of  March  2,  1867,  had  been  ousted  from  many  of  the 
Southern  States. 

lic^'l-ed^t'^Act  Among  the  important  measures  of  Grant's  first  term,  aside  from  the 

Southern  legislation,  were  the  law,  signed  March  18,  1869,  for  "the 
establishment  of  the  public  credit,"  which  pledged  the  faith  of  the 
Government  to  the  payment  in  coin  or  its  equivalent  of  all  the  green  - 

v^i*  and^vYn.  backs  and  bonds,  and  the  redemption  of  the  greenbacks  in  coin  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment;  and  acts  reducing  the  income  tax  and 
cutting  many  duties  (July  14,  1870),  putting  tea  and  coffee  on  the  free 
list  (May  1,  1872),  and  reducing  duties  on  cotton  and  woolen  goods,  wool, 
iron,  glass  and  other  articles  (June  6,  1872).  In  1872  the  income  tax  ex- 
pired. These  acts  are  dealt  with  at  greater  length  in  subsequent  chapters. 
In  1872  also  occurred  a  Republican  schism  which  at  first  threatened 
to  be  disastrous.     This  was  the  bolt  in  which  Horace  Greeley,  Charles 

LiberJi*Repub-  Sumuer,  Carl  Schurz,  George  W.  Julian,  Lyman  Trumbull,  B.  Gratz 
hcanBoit.  Browu,  Charlcs  Francis  Adams  and  other  men  who  had  been  conspicu- 
ous in  the  party  participated.  The  secession  was  a  protest  against  what 
its  leaders  called  a  "usurpation  of  power"  by  the  Administration  in  its 
coercive  measures  against  the  South,  and  the  corruption  and  general 
recklessness  of  some  of  the  Administration  agents,  and  the  seceders 
were  known  as  the  Liberal  Republican  party. 

The  Liberal  Republicans,  at  a  convention  which  met  in  Cincinnati, 

May  1,  1872,  nominated   Horace    Greeley  for  President  and  B.   Gratz 

Greeley       Browu  for  Vice- President,  on  a  platform  demanding  civil  ser\'ice  reform, 

^fai^Repubi^'  local  Self -government  and  universal  amnesty,  but  which  dodged  the  tariff 
Democrluic  ^y  remitting  it  to  Cougrcss  bccausc  of  "honest  but  irreconcilable  differ- 
ences of  opinion"  on  the  subject.  This  expression  was  a  bid  for 
indorsement  by  the  Democracy,  and  it  was  successful.  That  party, 
in  a  convention  which  opened  at  Baltimore,  July  9,  accepted  the  Liberal 
Republican  ticket  and  platfonu,  though  a  small  section  of  the  Democracy 
refused  to  be  bound  by  this  action,  and  nominated  Charles  O'Conor,  of 
New  York,  for  President,  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts, 
for  Vice-President. 

24 


Candidate. 


Gov.  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Nevertheless,  Grant  was  renominated  unanimously  in  a  convention 
which  opened  in  Philadelphia  June  5,  1872,  and  Henry  Wilson  was 
selected  for  Vice-President,  his  only  competitor  being  Schuyler  Colfax, 
who  held  the  office  at  the  time.  The  Grant  ticket  gained  a  larger 
majority  than  it  did  in  1868,  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Democrats  refus- 
ing to  support  their  old  enemy,  Greeley.  Grant  carried  thirty -one  States 
and  had  286  electoral  votes,  as  compared  with  six  States  (Maryland, 
Georgia,  Texas,  Missouri,  Tennessee  and  Kentucky) ,  and  63  electoral 
votes,  divided  up  among  several  persons  of  the  opposition,  Greeley 
having  died  between  the  time  when  the  popular  vote  was  cast  and 
the  Electoral  College  met.  Grant's  popular  vote  was  3,597,070  and 
Greeley's  2,834,079.  O'Conor,  the  candidate  of  the  bolting  Democrats, 
received  29,408  votes,  and  James  Black,  the  nominee  of  the  Prohibi- 
tion party,  which  entered  national  politics  in  that  year  for  the  first 
time,  5,608. 

The  Republican  platform  of  1872  contained  the  first  reference  to  a 
protective  tariff  made  by  any  National  Convention  of  the  party  along  to 
that  time  except  by  the  Convention  of  1860.  It  said  that  "revenue, 
except  so  much  as  may  be  derived  from  a  tax  upon  tobacco  and  liquors, 
should  be  raised  by  duties  upon  importations,  the  details  of  which  should 
be  so  adjusted  as  to  aid  in  securing  remunerative  wages  to  labor,  and 
promote  the  industries,  prosperity  and  growth  of  the  whole  country." 
The  rest  of  the  platform  declared  for  "complete  liberty  and  exact  equality 
in  the  enjoyment  of  all  civil,  political  and  public  rights;"  for  reform  in 
the  civil  service,  and  for  pensions  for  disabled  soldiers  and  sailors  and 
their  widows  and  orphans;  and  denounced  "repudiation  of  the  public 
debt  in  any  form  or  disguise  as  a  national  crime." 

The  last  mentioned  pronouncement  was  a  part  of  the  policy  of 
rigorous  and  courageous  Republican  honesty  which  took  practical  shape 
in  the  act  of  January  14,  1875,  which  brought  all  the  nation's  currency 
up  to  the  gold  level  in  1879. 

The  chief  measures  enacted  in  the  first  half  of  Grant's  second  term 
were,  the  law  signed  January  14,  1875,  under  which  specie  payments 
were  resumed  January  1,  1879,  and  the  country's  currency  brought  up 
to  the  gold  level  for  the  first  time  since  December  28,  1861 ;  the  civil 
rights  law,  to  prevent  discrimination  against  negroes  in  hotels,  schools, 
theaters  and  on  railroads,  signed  March  1,  1875,  and  an  act  advancing 
duties  and  internal  taxes  on  a  few  articles,  the  first  advance  made  since 
1867,  which  was  approved  March  3,  1875. 

All  these  were  strictly  partisan  measures,  almost  all  of  the  Repub- 
licans being  for  them  and  nearly  all  of  the  Democrats  against  them. 
The  first  of  these  measures,  the  resumption  act,  which  was  one  of  the 
most  important  pieces  of  financial  legislation  ever  enacted  in  the  United 
States,  carried  out  the  pledge  made  by  the  Republican  party  in  the  public 
credit  act  of  March  18,  1869,  and  has  been  a  bulwark  against  national 
insolvency   in    recent   years,  by    enabling   the   Government   to   borrow 


Grant  Renomi- 
nated and  Re- 
elected. 


The  Tariff 

and   Honest 

Money. 


The  Resumi>- 
tion  Act 


Bulwark 
Against 
National  In- 
solvency. 


25 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Democrats 

Capture   the 

House. 


Why  the 

Democrats 

won  in  1874. 


Hayes 
Nominated. 


The  Platform 
of  1876. 


Tilden  Put  Up 
by  the  Demo- 
crats. 


$162,000,000  of  gold  on  4  per  cent  bonds  and  $100,000,000  on  5  per  cent 
bonds  since  February,  1894,  to  protect  the  Treasury  reserve. 

That  was  the  last  of  the  strictly  partisan  legislation  which  had  any 
chance  of  enactment  until  six  years  later.  The  Republicans  from  March 
4,  1861,  to  the  same  date  in  1875  had  control  of  both  branches  of  Con- 
gress, sometimes,  as  in  that  of  1873-5,  by  overwhelming  majorities.  In 
1874,  however,  the  Democrats  swept  the  country  in  the  congressional 
elections,  securing  a  majority  of  sixty  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  1875-7.  They  held  the  House,  though  by  narrower  margins  than 
this,  in  the  next  two  Congresses  also,  and  had  the  Senate  in  the  latest 
of  them,  that  of  1879-81. 

The  leading  causes  of  the  Democratic  victory  in  1874,  the  first  that 
party  gained  in  a  congressional  election  since  1856,  were  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  salary  grab,  whisky  ring,  and  other  scandals  in  which  a  few 
Republicans  were  implicated,  but  for  which  the  entire  party  suffered,  and 
the  panic  of  1873.  Financial  convulsions,  regardless  of  their  cause, 
always  injure  the  party  in  power  at  the  time. 

But  the  Republicans  rallied,  held  on  to  the  presidency  in  the  elec- 
tion of  1876,  reduced  the  Democratic  majority  to  thirteen  in  the  House, 
elected  in  that  year,  and  largely  through  Democratic  excesses  in  the 
Southern  States,  which  created  a  solid  North  as  a  counterpoise  to  a  solid 
South,  elected  a  President  in  1880  and  regained  control  of  Congress. 

There  was  some  fear  in  1876  that  Grant  might  seek  a  third  nomina- 
tion, but  this  proved  groundless,  and  the  chief  aspirants  for  the  candi- 
dacy in  the  convention  of  that  year,  which  opened  on  June  14  in 
Cincinnati,  were,  in  the  order  in  which  they  stood  on  the  first  ballot, 
James  G.  Blaine,  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Benjamin  H.  Bristow,  Roscoe  Conk- 
ling,  R.  B.  Hayes  and  J.  F.  Hartranft.  Blaine,  who  had  the  field 
opposed  to  him,  had  285  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  or  93  short  of  the 
number  needed  for  a  choice.  Hayes,  who  had  only  61  on  the  first  ballot, 
gained  steadily,  and  he  was  nominated  on  the  seventh,  through  the  con- 
centration upon  him  of  all  Blaine's  enemies. 

The  Republican  platform  of  1876  demanded  a  "continuous  and 
steady  progress  to  specie  payments ; ' '  declared  it  to  be  the  solemn 
obligation  of  the  Legislative  and  Executive  departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  secure  to  every  American  citizen  "complete  liberty  and  exact 
equality  in  the  exercise  of  all  civil,  political  and  public  rights;"  pro- 
nounced for  reform  in  the  civil  service,  and  demanded  an  investigation 
by  Congress  of  the  effects  of  Chinese  immigration  on  the  material 
interests  of  the  country.  The  Democratic  platform  of  1876  demanded, 
among  other  things,  the  repeal  of  the  resumption  law  of  1875. 

The  Democrats  nominated  Samuel  J.  Tilden  for  President  and 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks  for  Vice-President,  in  a  convention  which  opened 
in  St.  Louis  on  June  27,  1876,  and  the  Independent  National,  popularly 
called  the  Greenback  party,  in  a  convention  on  May  18,  in  Indianapolis, 
put    Peter  Cooper   and  Samuel  F.  Cary   on  its  ticket.     This   was   the 


26 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Greenback  party's  first  appearance  in  the  national  field,  and  it  remained 
in  until  after  the  presidential  election  of  1884.  In  1876  it  demanded  the 
repeal  of  the  resumption  act  of  1875,  and  during  its  whole  career  advo- 
cated the  withdrawal  of  national  bank  currency  and  the  substitution 
therefor  of  United  States  notes  or  greenbacks. 

The  elections  of  1876  and  the  disputed  count  which  followed  it 
constituted  the  most  exciting  and  disturbing  presidential  contest  in 
American  history.  The  Republicans  lost  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Connecticut  and  Indiana,  in  the  North,  all  of  which  went  Democratic, 
and  it  seemed  at  first  that  they  had  not  carried  a  single  State  in  the 
South,  all  of  which  were  claimed  by  the  Democracy.  One  of  Oregon's 
three  electoral  votes  was  also  claimed  by  the  Democrats,  because 
of  the  ineligibility,  or  alleged  ineligibilit}',  of  a  Republican  elector. 
There  were  double  returns,  however,  in  South  Carolina,  Florida  and 
Louisiana,  one  set  showing  a  majority  for  Tilden  and  the  other  for 
Hayes.  These,  with  the  Oregon  elector,  made  twenty  votes  which  were 
in  dispute. 

Of  the  369  votes  in  the  Electoral  College  Hayes  had  165  without 
question,  and  Tilden,  also  without  question,  had  184,  while  185  was  a 
majority.  One  of  the  twenty  disputed  votes  would  have  given  the 
Democrats  the  victory,  while  the  Republicans  would  have  to  get  all  of 
them  in  order  to  win.  Fraud  in  the  three  disputed  Southern  States  was 
charged  on  both  sides.  The  twenty-second  joint  rule  of  Congress, 
under  which  any  electoral  votes  objected  to  by  either  branch  were  to  be 
thrown  out,  and  which,  if  in  force  at  the  time  of  this  controversy,  would 
have  elected  Tilden,  had  been  repealed  a  year  earlier  by  the  Republican 
Senate,  or  on  January  20,  1876. 

As  the  House  was  Democratic,  and  the  Senate  Republican,  a 
dangerous  deadlock  and  possible  civil  war  were  inevitable  over  the 
counting  of  the  votes.  To  avert  these  calamities,  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission to  pass  upon  the  disputed  returns  was  created.  This  consisted 
of  fifteen  members — five  Senators,  five  Representatives  and  five  Justices 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  Senators  were,  three  Republicans  (George 
F.  Edmunds,  Oliver  P.  Morton  and  Frederick  T.  Freylinghuysen)  and 
two  Democrats  (Thomas  F.  Bayard  and  Francis  Kernan)  ;  the  Repre- 
sentatives were,  three  Democrats  (Henry  B.  Payne,  Eppa  Hunton  and 
Josiah  G.  Abbott)  and  two  Republicans  (James  A.  Garfield  and  George 
F.  Hoar),  while  the  Supreme  Court  Justices  were  Nathan  Clifford, 
Stephen  J.  Field,  William  Strong  and  Samuel  F.  Miller,  The  first  two 
of  these  were  Democrats  and  the  others  were  Republicans.  Those  four, 
who  were  designated  bj'^  the  Electoral  Commission  act,  were  to  select  a 
fifth  Justice,  and  they  chose  Joseph  P.  Bradley,  a  Republican. 

Thus  the  commission  consisted  of  eight  Republicans  and  seven 
Democrats.  The  decision  of  that  body  could  not  be  reversed,  except  by 
the  concurrent  vote  of  both  branches  of  Congress.  On  ever>'  material 
point  in  controversy  the  commission  divided  on  party  lines.     The  twenty 


The  Disputed 

Electoral 

Count. 


The  Electoral 
Commission. 


27 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

disputed  votes  were  given   to  the  Republicans,  making  Hayes'  total  185 
and  Tilden's  184. 

Some  dissatisfaction  with  the  result  was  felt  by  Democrats,  but  as 
the  creation  of  the  commission  was  considered  by  most  persons  to  be  a 
legitimate  exercise  of  power  by  Congress,  and  as  it  afforded  the  onlj' 
chance  of  a  peaceful  settlement  which  could  be  devised  at  the  time,  its 
decision  was  acquiesced  in  by  everybody.  That  was  the  last  of  the 
crises  which  imperiled  the  nation.  Henceforward  politics  was  to  be  less 
volcanic,  and  "third"  parties  were  to  be  prominent  factors  in  every 
national  campaign. 

28  ' 


Senator  William  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Politics  in  the  New  Union. 


New  Issues. 


An  ex-Confed- 
erate Put  in 
the  Cabinet. 


Third"    Par- 
ties Appear. 


THE  years  1876-77  may  be  said  to  mark  the  beginning  of  a  period  of 
profound  political  change  in  the  United  States.  Old  issues  and 
leaders  were  being  forced  into  the  background  and  new  ones  were  coming 
to  the  front.  "Let  me  assure  my  countrymen  of  the  Southern  States," 
said  President  Hayes  in  his  inaugural  address,  March  4,  1877,  "that  it  is 
my  earnest  desire  to  regard  and  promote  their  truest  interests,  *  *  * 
and  to  put  forth  my  best  efforts  in  behalf  of  a  civil  policy  which  will 
forever  wipe  out  in  our  political  affairs  the  color  line  and  the  distinction 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  to  the  end  that  we  may  have  not 
merely  a  united  North  or  a  united  South,  but  a  united  country." 

This  assurance  the  President  made  good  by  appointing  an  ex -Con- 
federate officer  and  Democrat,  David  McKay  Key,  Postmaster  General, 
and  by  removing  the  troops  from  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana  a  few 
weeks  after  he  entered  office. 

Forces  had  already  begun  to  assert  themselves  which  dictated  this 
course.  Two  new  parties,  the  first  minor  organizations  which  appeared 
since  1860,  nominated  presidential  tickets  in  1872.  These  were  the 
Labor  Reform  and  the  Prohibitionist.  Two — the  Greenback  and  the 
Prohibitionist — entered  the  national  canvass  of  1876.  None  of  these 
had  any  concern  in  the  Southern  question.  The  Grangers,  or  Patrons 
of  Husbandry,  a  secret  association  in  the  interest  of  workingmen,  espe- 
cially of  farmers,  which  affiliated  with  the  Greenback  party  in  politics, 
captured  the  Legislatures  of  Illinois  and  Wisconsin  in  1873  and  1874  and 
assailed  the  railroads  for  "extortion  and  unjust  discrimination,"  thus 
starting  a  crusade  which  resulted  in  the  enactment  of  the  interstate 
commerce  law  of  1887.  The  attack  extended  to  other  corporations  and 
"  monopolies  "  shortly  afterward. 

Most  of  the  old  leaders  had  passed  off  the  stage  with  the  old  issues. 
Of  the  men  who  dictated  Republican  policy  at  any  time  between  the 
foundation  of  the  party,  in  1854,  to  the  date  of  the  readmission  of  the 
last  of  the  seceded  States  to  representation  in  Congress,  in  1870,  Fes- 
senden,  Collamer,  Stevens,  Corwin  and  Henry  Winter  Davis  were  dead; 
Seward,  Greeley,  Sumner,  Wilson,  Hale  and  Chase  died  before  Hayes' 
election,  and  Morton  died  in  Hayes'  first  year  of  service.  Wade,  Trum- 
bull, Doolittle,  Colfax  and  Julian  were  in  retirement,  all  of  them  except 
Wade  and  Colfax  being  also  out  of  harmony  with  the  party.  Among 
the  Republican  leaders  at  the  beginning  of  the  Hayes  administration  New  Leaders 
were   Sherman,  Blaine,  Conkling,   Morrill,  Allison,  Dawes,  Hoar   and 


29 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Embarrass- 
ments of  Presi- 
dent Hayes. 


Republican 

Hostility  to 

Hayes. 


Greenback 

Contraction 

Stopped. 


The 

Bland-Allison 

Act. 


Specie  Pay- 
ments 
Resumed. 


Edmunds.  McKinley  and  Reed  had  just  entered  Congress,  and  had  not 
yet  become  national  figures.  Sherman,  Morrill,  Dawes  and  Conkling 
began  their  service  before  the  war,  yet  even  Sherman  and  Morrill,  the 
oldest  of  these  in  point  of  service  (and  Morrill  in  age),  attacked  the 
problems  of  the  time  with  some  of  the  vigor  and  zest  of  youth.  New 
men  were  at  the  front  to  deal  with  the  issues  of  the  new  nation. 

In  1877,  for  the  first  time  since  1849,  there  was  a  break  in  the  par- 
tisan correspondence  between  the  President  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives chosen  at  the  same  time.  The  Republicans  had  the  presidency  and 
Senate,  while  the  Democrats  had  the  House.  The  partisan  divergence 
between  the  two  branches  of  Congress  and  the  Democratic  belief  that 
their  party  was  cheated  out  of  the  presidency  produced  several  deadlocks 
and  incited  many  assaults  on  the  President  by  the  House.  On  the  latter 
account,  and  because  of  the  social  disturbances  in  the  North  due  to  the 
panic  of  1873-8  and  the  railroad  strikes  of  1877,  and  the  political  dis- 
turbances in  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana,  due  to  the  contest  between 
two  sets  of  State  officers  and  Legislatures  in  each  State,  the  position  of 
the  Administration  was  seriously  embarrassing. 

The  Administration,  too,  was  hampered  by  the  hostility  of  one  ele- 
ment of  its  party,  which  feeling  was  extended  and  intensified  by  the 
contest  in  which  Arthur,  then  Collector  of  the  Port  at  New  York,  was 
involved.  Hayes'  conciliator^^  policy  toward  the  South,  his  endeavors, 
partially  successful,  to  settle  the  controversies  between  the  rival  State 
officers  in  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana,  and  his  withdrawal  of  the 
troops  from  those  States  practically  ended  the  Southern  difficulties  in 
their  more  serious  aspect.  The  action  of  the  Democrats,  however,  in 
failing  to  make  the  necessary  appropriations  to  meet  the  expenditures 
of  the  Government  forced  him  to  call  Congress  in  extra  session  twice, 
once  on  October  15,  1877,  in  the  first  year  of  his  term,  and  again  on 
March  18,  1879. 

The  important  business  of  the  Hayes  Administration,  aside  from 
the  settlement  of  the  reconstruction  question,  dealt  with  the  finances. 
A  bill  was  signed  by  the  President  May  31,  1878,  stopping  the  contrac- 
tion of  the  greenbacks,  then  under  way,  and  leaving  the  amount 
nominally  outstanding  $346,681,016,  a  figure  at  which  they  have 
remained  to  this  daj'. 

Three  months  earlier  than  this,  or  on  February  28,  1878,  the  Presi- 
dent vetoed  the  Bland-Allison  bill  requiring  the  coinage  of  $2,000,000  of 
silver  bullion  each  month  into  standard  silver  dollars,  and  permitting  the 
coinage  of  $4,000,000  a  month.  The  bill,  however,  was  passed  over  the 
veto  the  same  day  by  the  constitutional  two -thirds,  and  the  law  remained 
in  operation  until  superseded  by  the  act  of  July  14,  1890,  popularly 
called  the  Sherman  law. 

Ten  months  after  the  enactment  of  the  Bland-Allison  silver  coinage 
law,  and  seven  months  after  the  contraction  of  the  greenbacks  was  sus- 
pended,  or  on  January  1,  1879,  the  specie  resumption  law  signed  by 


30 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

President  Grant  January  14,  1875,  went  into  force.  This  act  brought  all 
the  country's  currency  up  to  the  gold  level,  below  which  it  had  dropped 
on  January  1,  1862,  when  the  Government  suspended  specie  payments. 
Gold  was  at  a  premium  in  currency  from  the  beginning  of  1862  to  the 
beginning  of  1879.  The  premium  reached  its  highest  point  in  the  ^^^^  l^^viii 
darkest  days  of  the  war.  This  was  touched  on  July  11,  1864,  when  it 
took  $2.85  in  greenbacks  to  buy  $1  in  gold.  These  questions  receive 
more  extended  treatment  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 

The  embarrassments  which   President  Hayes  encountered  from  a  ~,   „ 

•^  The  Democrats 

hostile  House  of  Representatives  in  the  first  half  of  his  term,  or  in  "nd^^se^ate" 
1877-79,  were  increased  in  the  succeeding  two  years.  In  the  canvass  of 
1878  the  Democrats  held  on  to  the  House  and  captured  the  Senate. 
This  was  the  first  time  since  the  opening  days  of  1861,  when  Southern 
members  withdrew  to  follow  their  States  into  the  Confederacy,  that  the 
Democrats  had  a  majority  in  the  Senate.  The  attacks  from  both  branches 
of  Congress,  to  which  the  President  was  now  exposed,  sent  the  luke-  cha^^r  vi 
warm  and  hostile  Republicans  to  the  rescue,  and  closed  the  breach  in  the 
party.  However,  the  Republican  breach  was  destined  to  be  opened  in 
another  place  in  the  early  days  of  Mr.  Hayes'  successor,  and  with  dis- 
astrous consequences  to  the  party. 

In  the  Democratic  House  of  the  Congress  of  1877-79  "riders"  were 

..,.,,.,,  ,,  ,•!  Contest  Be- 

attached  to  appropriation  bills  in  the  latter  part  of  the  term,  to  which    tween  Hayes 

.  .  -^  II.,,,  .  ,         snd  Congress. 

the  Republican  Senate  objected.  These  riders  were  alien  to  the 
legitimate  purpose  of  the  measures  and  were  designed  to  defeat  or  repeal 
the  laws,  then  many  years  on  the  statute  book,  for  the  employment  of 
troops  at  the  polls  and  for  supervisors  of  election  and  special  deputy 
marshals  at  elections  of  members  of  Congress.  In  the  deadlock  between 
the  two  branches  Congress  expired  without  providing  the  necessary 
money  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  and  the  new  Congress  was 
summoned  by  the  President  to  meet  on  March  18,  1879,  in  extra  session, 
to  furnish  the  required  funds. 

In  this  Congress,  in  which  the  Democrats  had  both  houses,  and 
were  thus  better  able  to  hamper  the  President,  the  tactics  of  the  preceding 
one  were  repeated.  Hayes  promptly  vetoed  the  bills  containing  the 
objectionable  provisions,  repeatedly  calling  the  attention  of  Congress 
to  the  impropriety  of  tacking  general  legislation  on  appropriation 
measures.  Eventually  Congress  receded  and  passed  all  the  bills  without 
the  obnoxious  features,  except  one  measure,  which  the  veto  killed  for 
the  session. 

Hayes  was  not  an  aspirant  for  re-election,  but  a  member  of  the 
Administration,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasures  John  Sherman,  sought  tionoMsso! 
the  nomination.  He  had  more  powerful  rivals  in  ex -President  Grant 
and  Senator  James  G.  Blaine.  It  was  foreseen  long  before  the  National 
Convention  met  in  Chicago,  on  June  2,  1880,  that  Grant  would  lead  on* 
the  first  ballot.  The  anti- third  term  sentiment  was  strong  in  the 
Republican  party,  as  was  shown  before  Grant's  second  term  ended,  when 

31 


History  of  the  Republican  Party, 


Republican  At- 
tack on  Third- 
termism. 


Grant  as  a 

Third  Term 

Aspirant. 


Historical  Con- 
vention 
Speeches. 


Garfield 
Nominated. 


The  Platform 
of  1880. 


the  cry  of  "Caesarism,"  or  the  danger  that  Grant  would  hold  on  to  the 
presidency  for  life,  was  ringing  through  the  Democratic  press. 

The  Pennsylvania  Republican  State  Convention,  on  May  26,  1875, 
adopted  this  resolution :  "That  we  declare  a  firm,  unqualified  adherence 
to  the  unwritten  law  of  the  republic,  which  wisely,  and  under  the 
sanction  of  the  most  venerable  examples,  limits  the  presidential  service 
of  any  citizen  to  two  terms;  and  we,  the  Republicans  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  recognition  of  this  law,  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  election  to  the 
presidency  of  any  person  for  a  third  term."  This  called  out  a  letter 
from  Grant,  on  May  29,  to  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Convention,  in 
which  he  said,  among  other  things:  "Now  for  the  third  term,  I  do  not 
want  it  any  more  than  I  did  the  first.  *  *  *  j  would  not  accept  a 
nomination  if  it  were  tendered,  unless  it  should  come  under  such 
circumstances  as  would  make  it  an  imperative  duty — circumstances  not 
likely  to  arise." 

As  a  third  term  aspirant,  Grant  was  far  more  formidable  in  1880 
than  he  could  have  been  in  1876.  He  had  been  three  and  a  quarter 
years  in  retirement  in  the  interval,  and  in  his  travel  around  the  world  in 
that  time  he  had  receiv-ed  honors  never  accorded  to  any  other  American. 
Grant's  forces  were  skillfully  led  by  Roscoe  Conkling,  who  presented 
Grant's  name  to  the  convention  in  one  of  the  three  historically  great 
speeches  made  on  such  occasions,  Ingersoll's  "plumed  knight"  speech 
for  Blaine,  in  the  convention  of  1876,  being  one  of  the  other  two,  and 
Garfield's  for  Sherman,  in  the  convention  of  1880,  being  the  other.  By 
the  breaking  of  the  "unit  rule,"  however,  each  delegate  thus  being 
allowed  to  declare  his  individual  preference.  Grant's  strength  was  less- 
ened. He  lost  nineteen  votes  out  of  the  sev^enty  of  the  New  York 
delegation  on  that  account,  most  of  which  went  to  Blaine,  and  many 
votes  from  other  delegations  drifted  away  from  him. 

On  the  first  ballot  Grant  got  304  votes,  Blaine  284,  Sherman  93  and 
Senator  George  F.  Edmunds  33,  while  a  few  others  received  smaller 
numbers.  This  order  was  maintained,  except  as  regards  Edmunds,  who 
dropped  lower  immediately,  until  the  last  ballot  except  one,  or  the 
thirty-fifth.  Garfield,  who  received  two  votes  on  the  second  ballot,  and 
seventeen  on  the  thirty -fourth,  got  fifty  on  the  thirty -fifth.  Then 
almost  all  the  delegates,  except  the  Grant  men,  went  to  Garfield,  and  he 
was  nominated  on  the  thirty-sixth  ballot,  receiving  399  votes  as  com- 
pared with  Conkling's  old  guard  of  306  for  Grant.  To  placate  the  Conkling 
element,  the  vice -presidential  candidacy  was  given  to  Chester  A.  Arthur. 

In  its  platform  of  1880  the  Republican  party  reaffirmed  its  belief  that 
duties  levied  for  revenue  should  discriminate  in  favor  of  American  labor ; 
declared  that  "slavery  having  perished  in  the  States,  its  twin  barbarity 
polygamy  must  die  in  the  Territories"  ;  pronounced  in  favor  of  granting 
'to  all  citizens  the  rights  guaranteed  to  them  under  the  Constitution,  said 
that  "the  solid  South  must  be  divided  by  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the 
ballot,"  and  demanded  the  restriction  of  Chinese  immigration. 


32 


Senator  Matthew  S.  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

Garfield's  candidacy  did  not  inspire  much  enthusiasm  amongf  the 
Republicans  at  the  beginning.  Moreover,  he  was  fiercely  assailed  by 
the  Democrats  for  alleged  corrupt  connection  with  the  Credit  Mobilier, 
and  the  number  "329,"  to  represent  the  number  of  dollars  he  was  said 
to  have  received  as  dividends  in  that  enterprise,  was  printed  on  Demo- 
cratic posters  and  chalked  on  sidewalks  all  over  the  country  to  embarrass  The  Morey 
his  supporters.  The  "Morey"  forged  letter,  too,  favoring  the  Chinese, 
which  was  printed  near  the  end  of  the  canvass  and  distributed  by  the 
Democrats,  did  him  harm,  especially  on  the  Pacific  Coast. 

The  Grant  and  Conkling  forces  held  aloof  at  first,  and  in  September, 
when  Maine,  Blaine's  State,  elected  a  fusion  Democratic  and  Greenback  conklfn/raiiy 
State  ticket,  the  current  seemed  to  be  against  the  Republicans.  Then  *  ^  Forces!*^*" 
all  the  factions  rallied  to  the  support  of  the  party  ticket.  Grant  induced 
Conkling  to  enter  the  canvass,  and  these  two,  Grant  by  five -minute 
talks  and  Conkling  by  longer  speeches,  did  effective  work  on  the  stump 
through  the  remainder  of  the  canvass.  Ohio  and  Indiana,  in  October, 
in  the  State  elections  went  Republican,  and  then  it  was  seen  that  the 
tide  had  turned. 

The  Republicans  carried  every  Northern  State  except  New  Jersey, 
Nev^ada  and  California,  though  they  secured  one  of  California's  five  carfieid 
electors.  These  three  and  all  the  ex-slave  States  went  to  Hancock,  the 
Democratic  nominee.  The  Republicans  had  4,449,053  of  the  popular 
vote  and  214  of  the  electoral  vote,  and  the  Democrats  4,442,035  and  155 
respectively.  New  York  turned  the  scale  in  1880,  as  she  had  done  in 
1844  and  1848,  and  as  she  did  in  1884  and  1888.  In  1880  the  phenome- 
non of  the  solid  South,  which  has  been  a  feature  of  presidential  canvasses 
up  to  and  including  1892,  made  its  first  appearance  in  politics. 

33 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
A  Period  of  Unpartisan  Politics. 


DURING  a  large  part  of  the  Garfield-Arthur  Administration  the 
^,,.j,  anomaly  of  politics  without  partisanship  came  nearer  to  realization 

than  it  did  in  almost  any  other  equal  period  since  Monroe's  days  in  the 
presidency.  There  was  no  "era  of  good  feeling"  at  any  time  between 
1881  and  1885,  nor,  indeed,  was  there  between  1817  and  1825,  except  on 
the  surface  of  affairs.  The  period  which  included  the  two  years'  contest  on 
the  Missouri  admission  question  was  really  an  era  of  very  bad  feeling. 
The  difference  and  resemblance  between  the  two  periods  maj'  be  broadly 
stated  thus:  In  the  earlier  one  the  chief  contests,  apart  from  that  on  the 
Missouri  issue,  were  usually  wrangles  between  groups  and  rival  leaders 
of  the  only  party  nominally  in  existence,  while  in  the  later  one  the  prin- 
cipal fights  were  feuds  between  rival  chieftains  and  factions  of  the  dom- 
inant party,  the  President  (Monroe)  in  the  first  being  neutral,  and  in  the 
second  (Garfield,  though  not  Arthur)  being  one  of  the  parties  to  the 
conflict. 

The  only  contests  of  prime  importance  in  which  party  lines  were 
rigidly  drawn  in  Congress  during  the  Garfield-Arthur  Administration 
were  that  for  the  organization  of  the  Senate  at  the  beginning  of  the 
term  in  1881,  and  the  one  on  the  tariff  in  the  latter  part  of  1882  and  the 
early  part  of  1883.  Apart  from  the  tariff,  the  great  measures  of  the 
Administration  were  the  anti- polygamy  act  of  March  22,  the  Chinese 
exclusion  law  of  May  1,  the  bank  charter  extension  law  of  Julj'  12,  all 
of  1882,  and  the  civil  service  reform  act  of  Januar>'  16,  1883.  On  none 
of  these  did  parties  act  as  a  unit. 

The  Congress  which  went  into  existence  at  the  beginning  of  Gar- 
contest  on  the  field's  term,   had  a  Republican  majority  of  eight  in  the  lower  branch, 

OrKanization  .... 

of  the         but  was  a  tie  m  the  upper.     William   Mahone,  a  Virginia   Readjustei 
Democrat,  and  David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  a  Republican  until  1872,  after- 
ward a  Liberal  Republican,  and  then  an  Independent,  held  the  balance 
Mahone  Ap-     between  the  parties.     Meeting  in  special   session  March  4,  1881,  to  act 

pears. 

on  the  President's  nominations,  the  Senate  promptly  confirmed  the  men 
selected  for  the  Cabinet.  Then  the  struggle  for  the  control  of  the  Senate 
began.  Three  Senators — Blaine,  Windom  of  Minnesota,  and  Kirkwood 
of  Iowa — went  into  the  Cabinet,  and  their  places  were  soon  filled  by 
jien  of  the  same  political  faith.  Mahone  avowed  himself  a  Democrat, 
but  declared  he  was  not  indebted  to  the  Democrats  for  his  seat  in  the 
Senate.  He  voted  with  the  Republicans  in  the  indecisive  contest  for  the 
organization  of  that  body,  and  subsequently  became  a  regular  member  of 

34 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


that  party.  Davis,  who  swung  from  one  party  to  the  other  in  the 
struggle,  was  chosen  President  pro  tempore  October  13,  1881,  in  the 
second  special  session  of  the  Senate,  succeeding  Thomas  F.  Bayard, 
whom  the  Democrats  elected  to  that  post,  and  who  held  it  only  a  few 
days. 

Now  comes  a  factional  conflict  which  had  serious  consequences  *or 
the  Republican  party.  It  had  its  origin  in  a  contest  over  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  Federal  patronage  in  New  York,  and  contributed  strongly  to 
the  creation  of  the  sentiment  which  forced  the  enactment  of  the  Pendle- 
ton civil  service  law  of  1883,  which  will  soon  be  mentioned,  taking  the 
offices  out  of  politics. 

I,ong  before  the  contest  on  the  organization  of  the  Senate  ended,  a 
fight  between  the  New  York  Senators,  Conkling  and  Piatt  on  one  side 
and  the  President  on  the  other,  on  appointments  of  ofl&cers  in  New  York, 
took  place.  On  March  22,  1881,  eighteen  days  after  the  term  and  the 
Senate's  first  special  session  began,  the  President  sent  in  a  list  of  nomi- 
nations of  men  for  New  York  oSices,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  political 
friends  of  Conkling,  and  on  the  23d  William  H.  Robertson,  a  political 
foe  of  Conkling,  who  led  the  revolt  in  the  New  York  delegation  in  the 
convention  of  1880  against  Grant,  when  the  unit  rule  was  broken,  was 
named  for  Collector  of  the  Port  at  New  York. 

This  precipitated  the  contest  between  Conkling  and  Garfield,  which 
was  merely  a  continuation  of  the  old  feud  between  Conkling  and  Blaine, 
for  it  was  generally  believed  that  Blaine  ' '  inspired  ' '  the  Robertson 
nomination.  Conkling  declared  that  the  appointment  was  a  violation 
of  pledges  made  to  him  by  Garfield.  This  was  denied  by  Garfield,  who 
also  disclaimed  any  intention  to  offend  Conkling,  or  to  slight  his  preten- 
sions to  be  consulted  in  the  selection  of  New  York  appointees,  contend- 
ing that  the  coUectorship  was  a  national  office,  over  which  there  could 
not  justly  be  any  local  claims.  Efforts  on  the  part  of  leading  Repub- 
licans to  arrange  a  truce,  to  induce  the  President  to  withdraw  Robertson, 
or  to  get  Conkling  to  cease  his  opposition,  failed. 

The  crisis  came  on  May  5,  when  the  President,  thinking  Conkling 
wanted  the  uncontested  nominations  confirmed,  and  the  Robertson 
appointment  postponed  to  December,  withdrew  all  the  New  York  nomi- 
nations except  that  of  Robertson,  so  as  to  force  action  on  that  one  first. 
Conkling  and  Piatt,  finding  there  was  no  chance  to  defeat  Robertson, 
resigned  on  May  16,  expecting  to  secure  vindication  by  an  immediate 
re-election,  the  New  York  Legislature  then  being  in  session,  and  on  the 
18th  Robertson  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate  with  but  little  opposition. 

The  contest  for  re-election  began  on  May  31,  and  was  the  longest 
and  most  exciting  in  the  history  of  the  State  of  New  York.  In  this 
fight  the  lines  between  the  "Stalwarts, ' '  or  the  friends  of  the  two  Senatorsn, 
and  the  "Half-breeds,"  or  supporters  of  Blaine  and  Garfield,  were 
rigidly  drawn,  and  produced  a  split  in  the  Republican  party  in  New 
York,  which  projected  itself  into  national  politics,  and  had  a  profound 


The 
ConklinRf- Gar- 
field Feud. 


The  Robertson 
CoUectorship 
Nomination. 


Conkling  and 
Piatt  Resign. 


They  Fail  of 
Re-election. 


35 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Polygamy  As- 
sailed. 


Anti-Chinese 
Legrislation. 


Begrinning'  of 

Civil  Service 

Reform. 


influence  on  the  fortunes  of  both  the  great  organizations.  It  beat  Folger 
for  Governor  in  1882  by  192,854,  overthrew  the  Republicans  in  the 
country  at  large  in  the  Congressional  elections  that  year,  and  defeated 
Blaine  for  President  in  1884  by  swinging  New  York,  Conkling's  State, 
to  Cleveland.  Warner  Miller,  on  July  17,  was  elected  in  Piatt's  place, 
and  E.  G.  Lapham,  on  July  23,  was  chosen  to  succeed  Conkling. 
Meanwhile,  Guiteau's  shot,  on  July  2,  vacated  the  Presidency  on 
September  19,  and  sent  Arthur,  who  immediately  ceased  to  be  a 
faction i St,  to  the  White  House. 

February  16,  1882,  a  bill  making  polygamy  a  misdemeanor  and 
practically  denying  the  franchise  to  polygamists  was  reported  in  the 
Senate  by  Mr.  Edmunds,  from  the  Judiciary  Committee,  and  after  a 
contest  on  matters  of  details  in  the  bill,  it  passed  the  Senate  without  a 
division.  March  14  it  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  199  (comprising 
Republicans,  Democrats  and  Greenbackers)  to  42  (all  Democrats),  and 
it  was  signed  by  the  President  March  22.  This  solved  a  problem  which, 
in  one  shape  or  another,  had  perplexed  the  Government  for  a  generation , 
and  with  some  supplementary  legislation  subsequently,  extirpated 
polygamy  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  admission  of  Utah  as  a  State, 
which  took  place  January  4,  1896. 

The  Chinese  immigration  question,  which  had  been  a  leading  issue 
in  California  politics  for  over  a  dozen  years  at  this  time,  was  also  up  for 
decisive  action  in  Congress  in  1882.  This  question,  which  provoked  the 
Dennis  Kearney  crusade  of  1877  and  subsequent  years,  received  the 
attention  of  Congress  in  1879,  when  a  bill  was  passed  limiting  to  fifteen 
the  number  of  Chinese  passengers  who  might  be  admitted  to  the  United 
States  from  a  single  vessel.  President  Hayes,  on  March  1  of  that  year, 
vetoed  the  bill  on  the  ground  that  it  violated  treaty  stipulations,  and 
Congress  failed  to  pass  it  over  the  veto.  April  4,  1882,  President 
Arthur  vetoed  a  bill  prohibiting  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  for 
twenty  years,  the  grounds  of  objection  being  that  the  bill  violated  the  treaty 
of  1880  with  China,  which  allowed  the  limitation  or  suspension  of  Chinese 
immigration,  but  forbade  its  prohibition.  A  modified  bill,  suspending 
the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  for  ten  years,  and  requiring  other 
Chinamen  visiting  this  country  to  be  provided  with  proper  certificates, 
passed  the  House  April  17  by  a  vote  of  202  to  37,  and  the  Senate  April 
25,  by  32  to  15,  and  received  the  President's  approval  May  6. 

Presidents  Grant,  Hayes,  Garfield  (in  his  inaugural)  and  Arthur 
had  urged  Congress  to  pass  a  law  making  the  tenure  of  the  minor 
appointive  Federal  offices  independent  of  partisan  changes  in  the  presi- 
dency, and  both  parties  in  their  national  platforms  were  pledged  to  this 
policy.  The  first  step  in  this  reform  was  made  in  the  civil  service  law 
of  March  3,  1871,  under  which  Grant  appointed  a  commission  to  ascer- 
tain and  act  on  the  fitness  of  candidates  for  appointive  offices.  In  1874, 
however,  Congress  refused  to  make  further  appropriations  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  commission,  and  the  law  became  a  dead  letter.     The  wrangle 


36 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


about  the  New  York  collectorship  and  the  assassination  of  Garfield, 
though,  aroused  a  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  eradication  of  the 
spoils  system,  which  Congress  dared  no  longer  resist. 

December  21,  1882,  George  H.  Pendleton,  Democrat,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Civil  Serv'ice  and  Retrenchment,  reported  to  the  Senate  a 
measure  entitled  '  *  A  bill  to  regulate  and  improve  the  civil  service  of  the 
United  States,"  which  passed  that  body  December  20  by  a  vote  of  38 
(23  Republicans,  14  Democrats  and  1  Independent)  to  5  (all  Demo- 
crats). It  went  through  the  House  January  5,  1883,  by  155  (101 
Republicans,  49  Democrats  and  5  Independents)  to  47  (7  Republicans, 
39  Democrats  and  1  Independent) ,  and  it  was  approved  by  President 
Arthur  January  16. 

Under  the  operation  of  this  law  the  number  of  offices  taken  out  of 
the  reach  of  the  politicians  has  been  steadily  increased  under  successive 
Presidents.  The  law  provided  for  a  Civil  Service  Commission  of  three 
members,  representing  both  parties,  which  should  provide  competitive 
examinations  for  entrance  into  such  classes  of  the  civil  service  as  the 
President  should  designate. 

The  law  went  into  effect  in  the  middle  of  Arthur's  term,  and  in  two 
years  he  applied  it  to  15,773  places.  Cleveland  added  11,757  places  to 
these  in  his  first  term,  and  Harrison  increased  the  list  by  15,598,  bring- 
ing the  to^al  of  classified  places  up  to  43,128  on  March  4,  1893.  By 
successive  additions  to  the  roll.  President  Cleveland  in  his  second  term 
has  increased  it  by  42,025,  bringing  the  grand  total  of  Federal  offices 
under  the  civil  service  rules  up  to  85,153  at  the  present  time  (June, 
1896).  The  holders  of  these  posts  can  be  removed  only  for  cause,  and 
their  successors  can  be  chosen  only  after  a  competitive  examination. 

About  75,000  civil  employes  of  the  Government  are  still  outside  of 
the  classified  service,  60,000  of  whom  are  fourth -class  postmasters,  and 
many  of  the  other  15,000  are  common  laborers,  while  most  of  the  rest  of 
them  occupy  confidential  positions  in  the  departments. 

Shortly  after  the  civil  service  act  was  passed,  a  tariff  law  was  enacted 
which  ended  the  life  of  the  series  of  laws,  beginning  with  1861,  which 
figured  under  the  general  designation  of  the  Morrill  tariff.  This  was 
the  act  signed  by  President  Arthur  on  March  3,  1883,  which  made  a 
complete  revision  of  the  customs  schedules  and  of  most  of  the  internal 
taxes.  It  was  based  in  its  leading  principles  on  the  report  of  the  Tariff 
Commission  appointed  by  President  Arthur.  A  more  detailed  account 
of  this  act,  and  its  place  in  the  general  scheme  of  Republican  policy,  is 
given  in  another  chapter. 

The  tariff  act  of  March  3,  1883,  finished  the  important  work  of  the 
Congress  of  1881-83  and  of  the  first  half  of  the  Arthur  Administration, 
and  it  was  the  only  strictly  partisan  legislation  of  the  presidential  term. 
In  the  next  two  years  there  was  a  divided  Congress,  the  Republicans 
holding  on  to  the  Senate,  but  the  Democrats  controlling  the  House. 
Republican  factional  quarrels  and  a  revolt  against  bossism  in  caucuses 


The  Pendleton 

Civil  Ser\-ice 

Act. 


How  the  Act 
Has  Been  En- 
forced. 


Tariff  of  1883 


See 
Chapter  VII. 


37 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Democratic 
Tidal  Wave  of 

1882. 


The  Conven- 
tion of  1884. 


Blaine 
Nominated. 


Cleveland 
Nominated  by 
the  Democrats. 


^_  Sherman's 
'Recollections 

of  Forty 

Years,"  Vol.  ii., 

p.  886. 


and  conventions  produced  a  reaction  against  the  Republicans  which 
swept  Pennsylvania  (by  20,000),  Massachusetts  (by  14,000)  and  other 
Republican  States  into  the  Democratic  column  in  1882,  gave  Cleveland 
a  192,854  plurality  over  Folger,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  Gov- 
ernor in  New  York,  and  put  the  Democrats  in  a  plurality  of  seventy - 
eight  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was  a  Democratic  avalanche, 
exceeding  in  extent  and  power  even  that  of  1874,  and  never  surpassed 
except  in  1890,  when  the  Democrats  again  won,  and  in  1894,  when  the 
Republicans  swept  the  country. 

When  the  Republican  National  Convention  met  in  Chicago  on  June 
3,  1884,  it  had  a  long  list  of  aspirants  out  of  which  to  select  a  candidate, 
including  President  Arthur,  ex -Senator  and  ex -Secretary  Blaine,  and 
Senators  Edmunds,  Logan  and  Sherman. 

President  Arthur's  friends  felt  that  the  creditable  record  which  he 
had  made  under  embarrassing  conditions  entitled  him  to  the  candidacy. 
He  was  the  first  Vice-President  going  to  the  presidency  on  the  death  of 
the  person  chosen  to  that  office  who  had  given  satisfaction  to  the  country 
or  to  his  party,  and  no  scandals  or  corruption  had  been  associated  with 
his  regime,  except  the  star  route  frauds  which  began  during  the  preced- 
ing Administrations  and  which  were  exposed  and  abolished  in  Arthur's. 
Logan  was  a  favorite  with  the  ex -soldiers  and  Edmunds  with  the  civil 
service  reformers,  while  the  length  and  value  of  Sherman's  public  service, 
which  began  earlier  than  that  of  any  of  his  rivals,  made  many  persons 
couple  his  name  with  the  candidacy.  Blaine's  name,  however,  among 
the  Republican  masses  seemed  to  evoke  far  greater  enthusiasm  than  did 
that  of  any  other  aspirant. 

Blaine  led  in  the  ballotting  from  the  start,  receiving  334 >4  votes  on 
the  first  ballot,  as  compared  with  278  for  Arthur,  93  for  Edmunds,  63-'^ 
for  Logan,  30  for  Sherman,  and  smaller  numbers  for  others.  This  order 
was  maintained  to  the  end,  Blaine  steadily  gaining  ground  and  all  the 
others  losing,  and  he  received  541  votes  and  the  nomination  on  the 
fourth  ballot.     Logan  was  put  on  the  ticket  for  Vice-President. 

The  tide,  however,  was  against  the  Republicans,  as  the  elections  of 
1881,  1882  and  1883,  especially  of  1882,  proved.  Moreover,  it  was 
reasonably  certain,  ever  since  Republican  defection  permitted  Cleve- 
land to  defeat  Folger  in  1882  in  New  York  by  nearly  193,000,  that 
Cleveland  would  be  the  presidential  candidate  of  the  Democracy  in  1884, 
and  of  his  strength  in  the  decisive  State  of  the  Union  the  country  had 
practical  evidence.  Cleveland  was  nominated  in  a  convention  which 
met  in  Chicago,  July  8,  1884,  and  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  was  selected 
for  Vice-President.  Perhaps,  under  those  circumstances,  Blaine  ran  as 
well  as  anybody  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  candidacy  could  have 
done.  A  prominent  Republican,'  himself  an  aspirant  for  the  nomination 
at  the  time,  says  on  this  point:  "In  the  then  condition  of  politi- 
cal affairs  it  is  not  certain  that  any  Republican  would  have  been 
elected. ' ' 


38 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


The  campaign  called  out  greater  bitterness  and  more  virulent 
personalities  on  both  sides  than  any  which  the  country  had  since  1828  in 
the  canvass  between  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Jackson.  Blaine  took  the 
stump  himself  in  Ohio,  Indiana  and  New  York,  and  made  a  number  of 
short  speeches  of  great  brilliancy  and  effectiveness.  It  was  while 
returning  from  this  Western  stumping  tour  that  the  historic  gathering  of 
clerg5'men  occurred  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  in  New  York,  at  which 
Dr.  Burchard  coupled  the  Democracy  with  "Rum,  Romanism  and 
Rebellion."  This  piece  of  stupidity,  which  was  unnoticed  by  Blaine  or 
anybod3'  else  in  the  gathering,  was  published  by  the  press  of  the  country', 
and  was  used  with  effect  by  Democratic  papers  and  stump  orators 
through  the  remaining  few  days  of  the  campaign. 

In  several  respects  the  election  turned  out  as  expected.  The  South 
was  solid  for  the  Democratic  party  as  in  1880,  and,  also  as  in  1880,  New 
York  turned  the  scale,  this  time  in  favor  of  the  Democracy.  Blaine 
carried  all  the  North  except  the  four  "doubtful  States,"  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Connecticut  and  Indiana,  losing  New  York,  and  thus  the 
election,  by  only  1,047  votes.  His  electoral  vote  was  182  and  his 
popular  vote  4,848,334.  The  four  Northern  States  and  the  sixteen 
Southern  which  went  Democratic  gave  Cleveland  219  electoral  votes, 
and  his  popular  vote  was  4,911,017.  The  close  balance  in  New  York, 
where  600  votes  out  of  the  1,167,000  cast  in  that  State  would,  if  trans- 
ferred to  Blaine,  give  him  the  election,  put  the  result  in  doubt  for  two 
days  after  the  voting.  A  day  or  two  more  passed  before  the  country 
could  fairly  adjust  its  perception  to  the  fact  that  the  great  party  which 
had  been  victorious  in  six  successive  presidential  elections,  which  had 
carried  the  war  to  a  successful  conclusion,  abolished  slavery,  restored 
the  seceded  States  to  their  old  relations  to  the  Union,  and  which  had 
controlled  the  Government  for  twenty -four  years,  had  at  last  been 
overthrown. 


"Rum,  Roman- 
ism and 
Rebellion." 


Cleveland 
Elected. 


39 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


The  Republican  Party  and  the  Tariff. 


Tariff  and 
Finance. 


Survey  of 
Tariff  Legisla- 
tion. 


The  Tariff  Not 
an  Karly  Re- 
publican 
Issue. 


Tariff   Acts  of 
1846  and  1857. 


THOSE  acquainted  with  even  the  surface  of  politics  will  notice  that 
ever  since  a  short  time  after  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  inauguration  the 
tariff  and  silver  questions  have  filled  a  large  place  in  public  discussion. 
This  has  been  due  to  several  causes — the  subsidence  of  war  issues; 
Mr.  Cleveland's  efforts,  through  his  celebrated  message  of  1887  to  stop 
Democratic  dodging  and  shuffling  on  the  tariff  and  to  place  that  party  in 
its  old  position  as  a  champion  of  low  duties ;  and  the  belief  by  a  large 
element  of  the  people  that  the  shrinkage  in  prices  of  farm  products  and 
the  recent  depression  in  industry'  are  in  some  way  connected  with  the 
fall  in  silver,  and  that  each  could  be  cured  by  the  free  coinage  of  that 
metal. 

A  survey  of  the  previous  legislation  on  both  questions  since  the 
foundation  of  the  Republican  party  will  be  a  useful  introduction  to  the 
contests  of  the  past  few  years  on  each  issue.  The  present  chapter  gives 
the  Republican  party's  dealings  with  the  tariff  from  the  creation  of  the 
Morrill  act  in  1861  to  the  eve  of  the  passage  of  the  McKinley  law  in 
1890,  and  the  next  chapter  will  tell  the  party's  connection  with  the  cur- 
rency question  in  its  various  phases  from  the  adoption  of  the  greenbacks 
in  1862  to  a  time  just  before  the  enactment  in  1890  of  the  so-called 
Sherman  law. 

In  the  beginning  of  its  career  the  Republican  party  did  not  concern 
itself  seriously  with  industrial  or  monetary  questions.  Opposition  to 
slavery  extension  into  the  Territories  was  the  issue  which  called  the 
party  into  being,  and  that  question  presented  itself  in  such  a  portentous 
shape  that  for  several  years  no  other  issue  could  get  a  hearing.  The 
platform  of  1856,  adopted  in  the  first  National  Convention  which  the 
Republican  party  ever  had,  confined  itself  to  the  question  of  slavery 
extension  in  its  various  bearings,  except  that  it  coupled  polygamy  with 
slavery  as  "twin  relics  of  barbarism,"  which  Congress  legally  could  and 
morally  should  prohibit  in  the  Territories,  and  that  it  advocated  a  "rail- 
road to  the  Pacific  Ocean"  and  appropriations  for  the  "improvement  of 
rivers  and  harbors  of  a  national  character. ' ' 

The  Democratic  Walker  tariff  of  1846,  abolishing  the  specific  and 
compound  duties  of  the  Whig  act  of  1842,  putting  ad  valorem  duties  in 
their  place  and  making  a  general  reduction  in  rates,  was  in  operation 
when  the  Republicans  held  their  first  National  Convention,  and  a  year 


40 


Senator  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio. 


A  ??/f  vM'*''|  ?,J  A  ^'* 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

later  than  this,  or  in  1857,  a  bill  making  a  further  reduction  was  passed. 
This  brought  the  general  line  of  duties  to  a  lower  level  than  it  had 
touched  since  before  the  war  of  1812. 

A  few  months  after  the  cut  in  duties  in  1857  the  panic  of  that  year 
occurred,  but  it  was  not  whollj'  due  to  the  cut.  Speculation  in  lands  in 
the  West,  and  the  vicious  banking  system  with  its  "wild-cat"  currency 
in  operation  throughout  a  large  part  of  the  West  and  South,  helped  to 
bring  on  the  convulsion.  The  balance  of  trade  was  against  the  country 
during  almost  the  entire  life  of  the  tariffs  of  1846  and  1857,  and  in 
nearly  every  year  of  the  period  the  gold  exportation  was  heavy.  Though 
the  merchandise  imports  were  larger,  the  duties  under  the  act  of  1857 
were  so  low  that  the  Government's  revenue  fell  short  of  its  expenditures, 
loans  had  to  be  made  and  the  debt  was  increased.  Manufacturers  at  the 
same  time  cried  out  for  higher  duties  for  the  purpose  of  protection. 

In  the  Vermont  State  Convention,  which  met  on  July  13,  1854,  and  Vermont  Leads 
which  adopted  the  name   Republican  for  the  new  party  which  was  just       ^ariff!^ 
arising  to  keep  slavery  out  of  Kansas,  there  was  framed  a  declaration  of 
principles  in  which  appears  this  demand:     "A  tariff  for  revenue,  with 
proper  discrimination  in  favor  of  American  industry'." 

This  was  the  earliest  tariff  plank  ever  placed  in  a  Republican  plat- 
form. Other  States  in  the  next  few  years  made  similar  declarations,  but  ^'can  Ta^riff"* 
none  were  incorporated  in  a  platform  of  a  National  Convention  until  the  ^^^^^■" 
party  was  six  years  old.  Here  is  the  first  tariff  plank  which  ever 
appeared  in  a  Republican  national  platform :  "That,  while  providing  rev- 
enue for  the  support  of  the  General  Government  by  duties  upon  imports, 
sound  polic3'^  requires  such  an  adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage 
the  development  of  the  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  countr>^" 

This  declaration  was  made  by  the  Republican  National  Convention 
of  1860.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  this  utterance  was  for  the  purpose 
of  winning  Pennsylvania's  vote  for  the  party.  It  should  be  remembered, 
however,  that  the  Whig  element  of  the  Republican  party,  which  was  its 
largest  ingredient,  and  which  comprised  such  leaders  as  Seward,  Lincoln, 
Sherman,  Greeley,  Weed,  Fessenden,  Collamer  and  Corwin,  always  had 
leanings  toward  protection  as  a  policy. 

But  before  the  Republican  Convention  of  1860  met,  a  measure  passed 
the  House  which  was  discussed  oftener  and  longer  in  the  coming  years 
than  any  other  act  of  its  class  ever  placed  on  the  national  statute  book. 
This    was    the    Morrill    tariff.     It  received    this    name    from  Justin    S. 
Morrill,  a  member  of  the  sub-committee  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Com-         Tariff, 
mittee,  who  reported  the  bill  and  who  took  a  prominent  part  in  framing 
it.     The  object  of  the  bill  was  revenue  and  incidental  protection,  both  of 
which  were  assailed  by  the  law  of  1857.      "  The  Morrill  tariff  bill,"  said 
an  eminent    statesman,  then  and  still  in  Congress,  "came  nearer  than  john  Sherman 
any  other  to  meeting  the  double  requirements  of  providing  ample  revenue    *°  tions*of^ 
for  the  support  of  the  Government  and  of  rendering  the  proper  protection    vJ>L^.^p*i^ 
to  home  industries." 

41 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Tariff  Legisla- 
tion of  the 
War  Period. 


Internal 

Revenue  and 

Income  Taxes. 


Ellis  H.  Rob- 
erts'  "Govern- 
ment Rev- 
enue," p.  122. 


Sydney  Smith 

on  British 

Taxes. 


The  Morrill  tariff  bill  passed  the  House,  in  which  the  Republicans 
had  a  plurality,  on  May  11,  1860,  by  a  vote  of  105  to  64,  but  it  was 
obstructed  in  the  Democratic  Senate  until  after  the  withdrawal  of  many 
Southern  members  on  the  secession  of  their  States,  when  it  went  through 
that  body  by  a  vote  of  25  to  14,  on  February  20,  1861,  and  was  signed 
by  President  Buchanan  on  March  2.  The  act  changed,  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, the  ad  valorem  rates  of  the  tariff  of  1857  to  the  specific  form, 
and  advanced  most  of  them.  The  principal  increase  was  on  iron  and 
wool  and  the  products  of  each. 

At  the  time  when  it  was  framed,  however,  there  was  no  serious 
expectation  of  war,  and  it  proved  inadequate  for  the  revenue  demands 
which  the  creation  and  support  of  large  armies  and  a  strong  navy 
entailed.  Mr.  Morrill  estimated  that  it  would  produce  $65,000,000  a 
year,  which  would  be  sufficient  for  the  requirements  of  peace,  but  which 
was  far  below  the  needs  of  war  even  in  the  first  six  months  of  the 
conflict. 

Every  possible  source  of  revenue  was  utilized  during  the  war,  and 
the  tariff,  as  a  consequence,  was  changed  often,  usually,  of  course, 
increased.  On  some  articles  the  rates  of  duties  defeated  the  purpose  of 
their  imposition  by  being  pushed  so  high  as  to  be  prohibitive.  The 
tariff  was  changed  more  than  forty  times  between  March  2,  1861,  and 
March  3,  1883,  often  only  slightly,  however,  the  entire  series  of  acts  and 
modifications  of  acts,  except  that  of  1883,  which  made  a  general  revision 
of  the  entire  list  of  duties  and  internal  taxes,  being  known  as  the  Morrill 
tariff. 

August  5,  1861,  during  the  extra  session,  the  first  change  was  had. 
It  made  an  advance  on  most  of  the  rates  established  on  March  2  of  that 
year,  and  added  some  commodities  to  the  dutiable  list.  An  internal 
revenue  act  was  passed  July  1,  1862,  putting  a  tax  on  many  articles  of 
home  production,  and  the  articles  and  the  rates  were  often  increased  in 
the  next  few  years.  Taxation  of  incomes  began  with  an  act  of  August 
5,  1861,  and,  with  many  changes,  was  continued  until  1872,  when  it  was 
abolished.  A  few  industries  were  taxed  out  of  existence  by  the  internal 
revenue  tax.  The  first  tax  on  incomes  was  3  per  cent  on  all  incomes 
over  $800  a  year.  The  lowest  amount  exempted  in  the  various  changes 
was  $600. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  war  "every  mode  of  taxation  known  to 
men  was  adopted  except  the  French  octroi,  Government  monopolies  in 
necessaries  of  life  and  public  lotteries."  The  situation  in  the  United 
States  at  that  time  was  very  much  like  that  described  in  England  by 
Sydney  Smith:  "Taxes  upon  every  article  which  enters  into  the 
mouth  or  covers  the  back,  or  is  placed  under  the  foot — taxes  upon  ev^ery- 
thing  which  is  pleasant  to  see,  hear,  feel,  smell  or  taste — taxes  upon 
warmth,  light  and  locomotion — taxes  on  everything  on  earth  and  the 
waters  under  the  earth,  on  everything  that  comes  from  abroad  or  is 
grown  at  home — taxes  on  the  raw  material — taxes  on  every  fresh  value 


42 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


that  is  added  to  it  by  the  industr>'  of  man — taxes  on  the  sauce  which 
pampers  man's  appetite,  and  the  drug  that  restores  him  to  health — on 
the  ermine  which  decorates  the  judge  and  the  rope  which  hangs  the 
criminal — on  the  poor  man's  salt  and  the  rich  man's  spice — on  the 
brass  nails  of  the  coffin  and  the  ribbons  of  the  bride — at  bed  or  board, 
couchant  or  levant,  we  must  pay." 

On  March  2,  1867,  when  duties  on  wool  and  woolen  goods  were 
advanced,  the  war  imposts  reached  their  highest  point.  A  turn  toward 
lower  rates  was  made  soon  afterward.  A  reduction  in  internal  taxes 
began  in  1866  and  continued  to  1883,  the  act  of  March  3  of  that  year 
abolis"hing  all  these  except  on  spirits,  fermented  liquors,  tobacco,  and 
bank  circulation,  to  which,  in  1886,  oleomargarine  was  added.  A 
decided  downward  tendency  in  duties  began  with  the  law  of  Jul)'  14, 
1870,  affecting  many  articles.  Tea  and  coffee  were  placed  on  the  free 
list  May  1,  1872;  and  June  1,  1872,  a  cut  of  10  per  cent  in  duties  was 
made  on  most  of  the  commodities  on  the  tariff  schedules,  while  July  1, 
1879,  quinine  was  made  free. 

Before  the  latter  date,  however,  an  upward  swing  in  duties  set  in. 
The  panic  of  1873  reducing  the  Government's  income,  the  10  per  cent 
cut  from  the  duties  in  1872  was  restored  March  3,  1875.  A  few  changes, 
generally  of  minor  importance,  were  made  in  the  next  few  years,  and  on 
March  3,  1883,  an  act  based  in  a  general  way  on  a  report  of  the  Tariff 
Commission  appointed  by  President  Arthur  was  signed. 

This  act  has  a  curious  history.  The  Tariff  Commission  appointed 
under  the  act  approved  May  15,  1882,  made  a  report  which  went  over  all 
the  tariff  schedules,  and  recommended  reductions  ranging  from  5  or  6 
per  cent  up  to  40  or  50  per  cent,  the  general  average  of  the  cut  being 
about  20  per  cent.  These  reductions  were  in  line  with  suggestions  made 
by  the  President.  On  the  basis  of  the  commission's  report  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  reported  a  bill  to  the  House  January  16, 
1883.  Meantime  a  bill  to  reduce  internal  revenue  taxation,  which  had 
previously  passed  the  House,  was  reported  by  the  Finance  Committee  to 
the  Senate  Januar>'  4,  1883,  with  amendments  in  line  with  the  Tariff 
Commission's  suggestions  covering  all  the  tariff,  and  was  passed  by  that 
body  February  19  by  a  vote  of  42  to  19.  The  House  abandoned  its  own 
bill,  but  was  disposed  to  resent  this  action  of  the  Senate  as  being 
contrary  to  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  declares  that  "all 
bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives," 
and  non-concurred  in  the  Senate's  amendments.  A  conference  com- 
mittee of  members  of  both  branches  took  the  matter  up  and  agreed  upon 
a  report,  leaving  the  bill  in  form  and  scope  substantially  as  the  Senate 
framed  it,  but  advancing  some  of  the  duties  above  the  Senate's 
figures. 

The  Treasury  surplus  or  excess  of  receipts  over  ordinary  ex- 
penditures, which  amounted  to  $100,000,000  in  the  fiscal  year  1881, 
$145,000,000  in  1882,  and  $133,000,000  in  1883,  dictated  the  reduction 


Edinburgh  Re- 

vieiv,  1820. 


The  Tariff's 

HiRhwater 

Mark. 


Taxes  Turn 
Downward. 


Duties  Tempo. 

rarily 

Advanced. 


Tariff  of  1883. 


Treasury  Sur- 
pluses. 


43 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

in  the  last  named  year.  The  surpluses  were  a  perplexing  problem  from 
1881  to  1890.  But  Frederick  D.  Grant  was  right  when  he  said  that  sur- 
pluses are  easier  to  manage  than  deficits.  Often  and  often  since  the  end 
of  the  fiscal  year  1892  has  a  return  of  this  problem  which  disturbed 
Secretaries  Folger,  Gresham,  Manning,  Fairchild  and  Windom  been 
sighed  for  by  Treasury  chiefs. 

This  is  a  rapid  survey  of  the  general  tariff  and  internal  revenue 
legislation  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  down   to  and  including  1883. 
See  Chapter  X.  ^^^c  tariff  was  uot  changed  again  until  1890,  when  the  McKinleyact  was 
passed.     This  act  will  be  treated  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 

44 


Senator  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Vermont. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


The  Republican  Party  and  the  Finance  Question. 


The 
Debt's  High- 
water  Mark. 


IN  dealing  with  the  finances,  the  Republican  party  during  the  war 
period  was  forced  to  create  an  immense  debt,  which  it  refunded  at  The  war  Debt 
lower  rates  of  interest  afterward,  and  then  reduced  to  comparatively 
small  figures.  An  enumeration  of  the  successive  loans,  with  their  vary- 
ing periods  and  interest  rates,  would  be  tedious,  and  the  matter  will  be 
touched  on  here  in  onlj'  its  larger  features. 

On  March  31,  1865,  the  Government's  obligations  reached  their 
highest  mark,  which,  in  round  figures,  was  $2,846,000,000.  Of  this 
amount,  $2,381,000,000  bore  interest— $830,000,000  of  it  at  7  3-10  per 
cent,  $1,282,000,000  at  6  per  cent,  and  $269,000,000  at  5  per  cent.  The 
annual  interest  charge  at  that  date  was  $151,000,000. 

By  successive  refunding  schemes  the  interest  rate  was  cut  to  lower 
figures,  and  through  excess  of  revenue  over  expenditure  the  debt  was 
for  3'ears  steadily  and  rapidly  reduced.  In  1891-4  the  interest -bearing 
debt  was  at  its  lowest  since  1862,  $585,000,000,  and  consisted  of 
$560,000,000  of  4  per  cent  bonds  and  $25,000,000  of  4^  per  cents 
continued  at  2  per  cent.  The  annual  interest  charge  at  the  time  was 
$23,000,000.  The  interest -bearing  debt  started  upward  in  1894. 
Through  successive  bond  sales  by  President  Cleveland,  the  debt  was 
increased  $50,000,000  in  February,  1894,  and  $50,000,000  in  November 
of  that  year,  all  at  the  rate  of  5  cent,  and  $62,000,000  in  February, 
1895,  and  $100,000,000  in  February,  1896,  all  at  the  rate  of  4  per  cent. 

The  Republican  party's  dealings  with  the  currency  question  began 
in  1862,  when  it  created  the.  legal  tender  notes,  popularly  called  green- 
backs. The  impossibility  of  getting  enough  revenue  to  meet  the  rapidly 
increasing  demands  of  the  Government  became  evident  before  the  end  of 
1861,  and  a  subcommittee  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  composed 
of  E.  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  Samuel  Hooper,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Erastus  Corning,  of  New  York,  framed  a  measure  which  in  its  final 
shape  provided  for  the  issue  of  legal  tender  notes.  Spaulding,  who 
headed  the  subcommittee,  thus  obtained  the  name  of  the  "father  of  the 
greenbacks." 

On  account  of  the  legal  tender  provision  which  the  bill  contained  it 
was  opposed,  on  the  ground  of  expediency  or  constitutionality,  or  both, 
by  a  few  Republicans  and  nearly  all  the  Democrats.  Justin  S.  Morrill, 
Roscoe  and  F.  A.  Conkling  and  Owen  Lovejoy  among  the  former,  and 
George  H.  Pendleton  and  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  among  the  latter, 
made  strong  speeches  in  the  House  against  it ;  but  it  was  pressed  vigor - 


Currency 
Legislation. 


Opposition  to 

the  Greenback. 

Bill. 


45 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


The  First 

Greenback  Bill 

Passed. 


Two 
More  Green- 
back Acts. 


The  Funding: 
Privilesre  Re- 
pealed. 


John  Jay  Knox 

in  "United 

States  Notes," 

p.  138. 


ously,  and  it  passed  that  body  February  6  by  a  vote  of  93  (88  Republi- 
cans and  5  Democrats)  to  59  (29  Democrats,  17  Republicans  and  13 
Unionists. 

The  real  contest  in  the  Senate  was  on  the  legal  tender  provision  of 
the  bill.  But  before  the  bill  was  acted  on  in  that  body,  the  necessities 
of  the  Treasury  had  become  so  urgent  that  Fessenden,  the  Chairman  of 
the  Finance  Committee,  received  a  note  from  Chase  asking  the  immedi- 
ate enactment  of  a  law  allowing  the  issue  of  $10,000,000  in  demand 
notes  of  the  variety  authorized  by  the  law  of  July  17,  1861.  A  bill  to 
this  effect  was  at  once  enacted. 

The  needs  of  the  Treasury  disarmed  much  of  the  hostility  to  the 
legal  tender  bill,  yet  the  motion  to  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  had 
1 7  votes  (9  Republican  and  8  Democrats) ,  but  the  clause  was  retained 
by  22  votes  (18  Republicans  and  4  Democrats).  Among  the  prominent 
Republican  Senators  who  spoke  and  voted  against  the  legal -tender  clause 
were  Collamer,  Cowan  and  Fessenden.  Zachariah  Chandler,  Shennan, 
Sumner,  Wade  and  Wilson  were  among  the  Republicans  who  defended 
this  provision.  The  opposition  to  the  rest  of  the  bill  mustered  compara- 
tively few  votes,  and  the  measure  passed  by  30  (25  Republicans  and  5 
Democrats)  to  7  (4  Democrats  and  3  Republicans).  Changes  in  the 
bill  made  in  the  Senate  were  fixed  up  in  a  conference  committee,  and  the 
measure  was  signed  by  the  President  February  25,  1862. 

That  is  an  important  date  in  the  political  and  financial  history  of  the 
country.  The  law  which  then  went  into  operation  provided  for  the  issue 
of  $150,000,000  of  notes,  $50,000,000  of  which  were  to  be  in  lieu  of  the 
demand  notes  of  that  amount  created  by  the  law  of  July  17,  1861,  the 
whole  to  be  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  duties 
on  imports  and  interest  on  the  national  debt,  both  of  which  obligations 
were  to  be  payable  in  coin.  The  notes,  it  was  provided,  could  be 
exchanged  for  6  per  cent  5-20  bonds,  $500,000,000  of  which  was 
authorized  to  be  issued  by  that  act. 

A  little  more  than  three  months  after  the  legal  tender  act  was  signed, 
or  on  June  7,  1862,  Secretary  Chase  asked  for  a  further  issue  of 
$150,000,000  of  notes,  saying,  among  other  things,  that  "the  condition 
of  the  Treasury  renders  prompt  action  desirable. "  "  Prompt  action' '  was 
had,  for  a  bill  authorizing  this  issue  was  signed  July  11,  a  month  and 
four  days  after  Chase  spoke. 

But  this  did  not  end  the  legal  tender  issues.  An  additional 
$150,000,000,  making  $450,000,000  by  the  three  acts,  was  authorized  by 
a  law  signed  March  3,  1863.  This  act  had  a  clause,  dictated  by  Chase, 
which  stopped  the  exchange  of  legal  tender  notes  for  bonds  on  July  1 , 
1863.  The  consequences  of  this  change  in  the  character  of  the  notes 
were  momentous  and  far-reaching,  but  they  could  not  have  been  foreseen 
at  the  time.  As  a  high  ofl&cial  of  the  Treasurj^  Department  afterward 
well  said,  the  change  was  "not  only  a  violation  of  the  contract  with  the 
holder  (of  the  notes) ,  but  was  also  a  serious  financial  mistake.     It  had 


46 


History  of  the  Republicax  Party. 

the  effect  to  materially  reduce  the  value  of  the  Treasury  notes  in  the 
market,  prevented  the  further  funding  of  the  Treasury  notes  after  July  1 
(1863),  and  undoubtedly  postponed  for  many  months  the  date  for  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments." 

The  word  "years"  should  be  substituted  for  the  "months"  used  by 
the  ex -Comptroller  of  the  Currency  in  the  sentence  last  quoted,  for  the 
greenbacks  were  originally  designed  to  meet  a  temporary  need.  It  was 
supposed  that  they  would  disappear  after  the  close  of  the  war,  which 
they  would  have  done  if  the  funding  privilege  had  remained,  and  in  that 
event  resumption,  of  course,  could  have  taken  place  years  before  the 
date,  January  1,  1879,  at  which  it  was  brought  about. 

In    three    historically    and    politically    important    decisions    of    the  AUackld^inth 
Supreme    Court   the   greenback    has    figured.       The    first    was    in    the        '"^colm*^ 
December,  1869,  term  of  the  Court,  in  the  case  of  Hepburn  vs.  Griswold. 
Chief  Justice  Chase  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  Court,  which  was  that 
the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  creating  the  legal  tender  notes  or  green- 
backs might  be  a  rightful  exercise  of  the  war  powers  of  Congress,  but 
that  it  was  unconstitutional  so  far  as  it  made  these  notes  a  legal  tender  ^  Wallace,  603. 
for  debts  existing  prior  to  its  passage.     This  was  the  point  involved  in 
the  case.     Four  Associate  Justices — Nelson,  Clifford,  Field  and  Grier — 
concurred  with  Chase. 

Justice  Miller   presented  a  dissenting   opinion,   in  which  Justices 
Swayne  and  Davis  concurred,   holding  that  Congress  had  the  constitu-      Republican 
tional  power  to  make  this  act  apply  to  pre-existing  debts.     The  Court  '^"t1fe^Gree*n-°** 
divided   on   this  question   on  partisan  lines.      The   five  members    who         backs, 
denied  this  power  were  Democrats — for  Chase  was  a  Democrat  before  he 
became  a  Free  Soiler  and  a  Republican,  he    usually  held  Democratic 
views  on  constitutional  interpretations  while  in  the  Republican  party, 
and  the  year  before  this  decision  was  rendered  his  name  was  prominently 
coupled  with  the  Democratic  presidential  candidacy.    The  three  Justices 
who  asserted  this  power  were  Republicans. 

A  year  later,  in  the  December,  1870,  term,  cases  came  up  by  which 
the  Court  reversed  itself  on  the  greenback  question.      This  was  due,    .^.j^^  ^^  ^^^ 
however,  to  changes  in  membership  of  the  Court  and  not  to  any  alteration   ^?t"c\ronTh" 
of  opinion  of  any  member  of  it.     When  the  earlier  decision  was  rendered      'oue°uon'' 
the  bench  consisted  of  eight  members,  there  being  one  vacancy.     Grier, 
one  of  the  Justices  who  united  with  Chase  in  declaring  the  legal  tender 
acts  unconstitutional  as  applied  to  debts  existing  prior  to  their  passage, 
resigned  shortly  afterward,  reducing  the  number  on  Chase's  side  to  four. 
This  created  two  vacancies,  and  both  were  filled  by  President  Grant  in 
1870  by  men  known  to  hold  the  opinion  that  the  laws  applied  to  contracts 
made  before  their  passage  as  \vell  as  afterward.     These  new  Justices 
were  Strong,  who  succeeded  Grier,  and  Bradley,  the  additional  member, 
both   Republicans.      It    was  asserted   at  the    time    that  the  Court  was 
"packed"   in  this  instance  to  reverse  the  former  decision.      This    re- 
enforoement  to  Justices   Miller,   Swayne  and  Davis,  the  members  who 

47 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Republican 
Judges  Again 
on  the  Green- 
back Side. 


12  Wallace,  457. 


The  Court 
Once  More  Sus- 
tains the 
Greenbacks. 


no  United 
States,  421. 


Justice  Field 
Dissents. 


Greenback 
Contraction 
Suspended. 


took  the  ground  in  1869  that  the  law  was  retroactive,  brought  that  side 
up  to  five. 

It  was  by  a  five  to  four  division  that  the  question  which  came  before 
the  Court  in  the  term  of  December,  1870,  was  decided.  The  cases  were 
those  of  Knox  vs.  Lee,  and  Parker  vs.  Davis.  They  were  argued  in  that 
term,  decided  May  1,  1871,  and  the  decision  was  rendered  January  15, 
1872.  Justice  Strong  delivered  the  opinion.  He  held  that  if  Congress 
can  constitutionally  give  to  United  States  notes  the  character  of  money, 
and  this  power  he  declared  to  be  held  by  "every  independent  sovereignty 
other  than  the  United  States,"  then  "such  notes  must  be  available  to 
fulfill  all  contracts  (not  expressly  excepted)  solvable  in  money,  without 
reference  to  the  time  when  the  contracts  were  made." 

The  opinion,  which  overruled  the  former  decision,  was  concurred  in 
by  Justices  Bradley,  Miller,  Davis  and  Swayne,  all  Republicans.  Chief 
Justice  Chase  delivered  the  dissenting  opinion,  representing  the  view 
also  of  Justices  Nelson,  Clifford  and  Field,  all  Democrats,  Chase  for  the 
reasons  before  given,  being  classed  here  as  a  Democrat. 

On  March  3,  1884,  in  the  case  of  Julliard  vs.  Greenman,  the  status 
of  the  greenbacks  was  again  passed  on  by  the  Supreme  Court.  May  31, 
1878,  an  act  of  Congress  went  into  operation  prohibiting  the  retirement 
of  greenbacks  paid  into  the  Treasury,  and  providing  that  they  should 
be  reissued  and  kept  in  circulation.  This  law  virtually  asserted  the 
power  of  Congress  to  create  legal  tender  notes  in  time  of  peace.  In  the 
two  decisions  already  rendered  the  constitutionality  of  the  issue  of  legal 
tender  notes  was  based  on  the  war  powers  of  Congress,  the  earlier  one 
holding  that  the  notes  did  not  apply  to  debts  prior  to  the  passage  of  the 
acts  creating  them,  and  the  later  one  asserting  that  they  were  a  valid 
payment  for  all  debts,  irrespective  of  the  time  at  which  they  were 
contracted. 

The  decision  in  the  Julliard  vs.  Greenman  case  was  that  Congress 
has  the  constitutional  power  to  issue  legal  tender  notes  in  time  of  peace 
as  well  as  of  war,  and  to  make  them  apply  to  debts  (except  where  other- 
wise expressly  provided)  whenever  contracted.  Justice  Field,  the  only 
Democratic  member  of  the  bench,  dissented.  There  was  a  feeling  in  the 
business  community  at  the  time,  among  Republicans  as  well  as  Demo- 
crats, that  this  authority  by  Congress  to  create  legal  tender  notes  in  time 
of  peace  was  a  dangerous  power,  and  resolutions  were  introduced  in 
Congress  for  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  withholding  this  power, 
but  they  resulted  in  nothing,  and  the  matter  dropped  out  of  the  public 
attention. 

These  decisions  settled  the  legal  status  of  the  greenbacks.  A  few 
words  will  now  be  given  to  the  changes  in  their  volume  which  have 
taken  place  at  different  times. 

The  legal  tender  notes,  or  greenbacks,  created  by  the  acts  of  Febru- 
ary 25  and  July  11,  1862,  and  of  March  3,  1863,  reached  their  outstand- 
ing maximum,  $449,338,902,  on  January  3,  1864,  and  had  in  obedience 


48 


Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachisetts. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


to  the  act  of  March  12,  1866,  providing  for  their  jjradual  retirement, 
shrunk  to  $356,000,000  December  31,  1867.  They  were  alternately 
expanded  and  contracted  afterward  by  small  amounts,  and  on  May  31, 
1878,  an  act  was  signed  by  President  Hayes  stopping  their  further 
contraction,  which  was  then  under  way.  At  that  date  the  amount  of  the 
greenbacks  nominally  outstanding  was  $346,681,016,  at  which  figure  it 
has  remained  ever  since.  The  bill  stopping  the  contraction  had  large 
majorities  (177  to  35  in  the  House  and  41  to  18  in  the  Senate),  but  the 
division  was  not  on  partisan  lines. 

Now  the  successive  steps  will  be  detailed  by  which  the  greenbacks 
were  brought  to  par  and  made  convertible  into  gold. 

The  Congress  of  1869-71,  overwhelmingly  Republican  in  both 
branches,  passed  a  bill  "pocketed' '  by  President  Johnson  on  his  retirement 
from  office,  which  pledged  the  faith  of  the  Government  to  the  payment  in 
coin  or  its  equivalent  of  all  the  greenbacks  and  bonds,  and  to  provide 
for  the  redemption  of  the  greenbacks  in  coin  at  the  earliest  practicable 
moment.  This  measure,  called  the  "act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit," 
the  first  bill  approved  by  President  Grant,  was  signed  March  18,  1869, 
fourteen  days  after  he  entered  office.  This  measure  passed  the  House 
by  a  vote  of  97  (all  Republicans)  to  47  (34  Democrats  and  13  Republi- 
cans), and  the  Senate  by  42  (all  Republicans)  to  13  (6  Democrats  and  7 
Republicans). 

Here  the  first  step  was  taken  which  led  to  the  resumption  of  coin 
payments,  the  redemption  of  greenbacks,  by  the  i Government  on  January 
1,  1879,  during  Hayes'  presidency.  The  second  step  toward  redemption 
was  taken  when  President  Grant,  on  April  22,  1874,  vetoed  a  bill  to 
inflate  the  greenbacks  to  the  extent  of  $44,000,000.  Six  weeks  later,  in  a 
letter  to  Senator  John  P.  Jones,  of  Nevada,  then  an  earnest  advocate  of  the 
restoration  of  the  gold  standard,  the  President  gave  his  views  as  to  the 
necessity  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  at  greater  length  than  he 
did  in  his  veto  message.  They  attracted  earnest  attention  throughout 
the  country,  and  did  much  to  start  the  movement  which  brought  resump- 
tion about. 

The  third  step  toward  specie  restoration  was  taken  when  John 
Sherman,  from  the  Committee  on  Finance,  reported  a  resumption  bill  to 
the  Senate  December  21,  1874,  and  it  was  passed  on  the  22d  by  a  vote 
of  32  (31  Republicans  and  1  Liberal  Republican)  to  14  (11  Democrats, 
2  Liberal  Republicans  and  1  Republican),  and  it  went  through  the 
House  January  7,  1875,  by  136  (all  Republicans)  to  98  (78  Democrats 
and  20  Republicans).  It  was  signed  by  President  Grant  January  14, 
and  went  into  effect  January  1,  1879. 

The  passage  of  the  resumption  law  at  this  time  was  providential. 
If  presented  a  year  or  two  earlier  the  resumption  bill  might  have  failed, 
as  a  solid  Republican  vote  for  it  could  not  have  been  obtained  then.  If 
presented  a  year  later  it  certainly  would  have  been  defeated,  for  the 
Democrats    secured  a   majority  in  the  House  in    the  election  of    1874. 


The 

Public  Credit 

.\ct. 


Grant's  Infla 
tion  Veto. 


The  Resump- 
tion Act. 


49 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


A  Great  Date 

in  Financial 

History. 


Resumption 
Goes  Into 
Operation. 


Recent  Bene- 
fits of  the  Re- 
sumption  Act. 


The 
National  Bank- 
ing System. 


Democratic  control  of  the  House  began  less  than  two  months  after 
the  bill  was  signed,  and  it  continued  for  six  years  without  interrup- 
tion. 

Resumption  was  one  of  the  great  events  in  the  country's  financial 
history.  The  Democrats,  committed  by  their  platform  of  1876  to  hos- 
tility to  resumption,  attempted  in  the  Congress  of  1877-9  to  repeal  the 
resumption  law,  but  the  Republicans,  pledged  by  the  platform  declara- 
tions and  the  promises  of  their  leaders  to  the  defense  of  this' policy, 
prevented  repeal.  As  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  Hayes  Cabinet 
from  1877  to  1881,  John  Sherman,  the  author  of  the  resumption  act,  put 
it  in  operation.  Soon  after  he  entered  office  he  began  accumulating  coin 
to  meet  the  probable  demands  in  currency  redemption,  and  at  the  end  of 
1878  he  had  on  hand  $135,000,000  of  gold  coin  and  bullion,  and 
$17,000,000  of  silver  dollars  coined  under  the  law  of  1878.  The  coin 
available  for  resumption  purposes,  after  deducting  all  matured  coin 
liabilities,  was  $135,000,000,  which  was  about  40  per  cent  of  the  amount 
of  the  notes  to  be  redeemed. 

As  the  day  for  resumption  drew  near  and  the  Treasury's  preparations 
to  put  it  and  maintain  it  in  operation  became  known,  the  gap  between 
currency  and  coin  steadily  and  rapidly  lessened,  and  on  January  1,  1879, 
the  day  set  apart  by  the  law  of  January  14,  1875,  for  resumption,  the 
country's  circulating  medium  touched  the  gold  level  for  the  first  time 
since  December  28,  1861,  when  specie  payments  were  suspended.  Since 
January  1,  1879,  every  dollar  of  the  country's  circulation — silver  coins, 
silver  certificates,  greenbacks,.  Treasury  notes  of  1890  ("Sherman 
notes"),  national  bank  bills  and  every  form  of  currency  has  been  held 
up  to  its  face  value  in  gold  coin. 

In  passing  the  resumption  law  the  Republicans  builded  better  than 
they  knew.  The  Government  was  forced  to  invoke  it  at  a  later  period 
than  any  of  its  early  friends  expected,  and  it  has  rendered  a  service  of 
which  they  did  not  dream  at  the  time  of  its  enactment.  Four  times, 
beginning  with  February,  1894,  and  ending  with  Febniarj^  1896,  bonds 
have  been  sold  under  the  authority  of  the  resumption  act  of  1875, 
amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  $262,000,000,  to  protect  the  Treasury's 
gold  reserve  and  to  avert  governmental  insolvency. 

This  ends  the  Republican  party's  dealings  with  the  legal  tender 
notes  in  any  form  or  connection  thus  far.  Another  variety  of  currency 
which  the  party  created  will  now  be  touched  upon. 

As  part  of  the  general  scheme  to  provide  money  for  the  Govern- 
ment during  the  war,  which  it  did  through  the  sale  of  bonds,  the 
national  banking  system  was  created.  At  the  beginning  of  1861  there 
were  about  1,600  banks  in  the  country  operating  under  the  widely 
different  laws  of  the  several  States,  which  banks  had  a  circulation  of 
about  $200,000,000.  This  comprised  the  greater  part  of  the  countr3''s 
currency,  and  these  institutions  had  about  $116,000,000  specie,  princi- 
pally of    gold,    against  this  currency  and  their  other  liabilities.      The 


50 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Bank 
Currency. 


banks  suspended  specie  payments  December  28,  1861,  and  the  Govern- 
ment did  likewise  on  January  1,  1862. 

On  repeated  recommendations  from  Secretary  Chase  a  banking  sys-  The  Bank  Biir 
tern  based,  in  some  of  its  features,  on  the  scheme  in  vogue  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  was  adopted.  When  first  proposed,  in  1861,  Samuel 
Hooper,  of  Massachusetts,  was  almost  its  only  outspoken  champion  in 
the  House,  and  John  Sherman  was  one  of  its  earliest  and  most  active 
friends  in  the  Senate.  It  did  not  go  through  Congress  until  a  year  after 
the  first  greenback  bill  was  enacted.  In  the  Senate  the  vote  was  23  (22 
Republicans  and  1  Democrat)  for,  to  21  (14  Democrats  and  7  Republi- 
cans) against,  and  in  the  House  the  vote  was  78  (76  Republicans  and  2 
Democrats)  for,  to  68  (39  Democrats  and  29  Republicans)  against  the 
bill.  The  bill  was  signed  by  President  Lincoln  on  February  25,  1863. 
On  March  3,  1865,  an  act  was  passed  taxing  the  notes  of  State  banks  10 
per  cent,  wiping  out  that  element  of  the  currency,  and  giving  to  the 
national  institutions  a  monopoly  of  the  bank  circulation. 

As  modified  at  different  times,  the  banking  system  created  by  the 
act  of  1863  has  been  in  operation  ever  since,  and,  despite  some  defects 
in  it,  as  the  absence  of  elasticity  in  its  note  issue  feature,  it  has  given 
satisfaction  to  the  business  interests  of  the  country.  The  notes  are 
guaranteed  by  the  Government,  which  inspects  the  banks  from  time  to 
time,  and  they  are  issued  to  the  extent  of  90  per  cent  of  the  par  value  of 
the  Government  bonds  which  the  banks  have  deposited  with  the 
Comptroller  of  the  Currency  as  a  basis  for  the  circulation.  The  national 
banking  sj'^stem  greatly  aided  the  Government  at  the  outset  by  enlarging 
the  market  for  its  bonds,  and  has  provided  the  country  with  the  best 
bank  currency  which  it  has  ever  possessed.  According  to  the  latest 
annual  report  of  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  there  were,  on  October 
31,  1895,  3,715  national  banks  in  operation,  with  a  capital,  in  round 
figures,  of  $664,000,000,  and  a  circulation  of  $214,000,000. 

The  Republican  party  began  to  deal  with  the  silver  question  in 
1873,  when  it  passed  the  act  discontinuing  the  coinage  of  the  silver 
dollar.  Onl)^  8,045,838  silver  dollars  had  been  coined  from  1792,  when 
its  coinage  was  first  authorized,  down  to  its  discontinuance  in  1873.  At 
the  16  to  1  ratio,  established  by  the  act  of  1837,  the  amount  of  silver  in 
the  dollar  was  worth  from  2c  to  3ic  more  as  coin  than  it  was  as  bullion. 
Consequently,  onlj'  a  trifling  amount  of  it  went  to  the  mint,  and  it  had 
virtually  disappeared  from  circulation,  except  in  the  smaller  denomina- 
tions, long  before  gold  payments  were  suspended  January'  1,  1862.  Gold 
did  not  reappear  until  the  resumption  law  went  into  operation  January  1 , 
1879.  In  1873  the  country's  sole  currency  of  the  denomination  of  $1 
and  upward  was  greenbacks  and  national  bank  notes,  and  gold  was  at  a 
premium  of  115  in  this  currency  in  that  year. 

April  25,  1870,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  George  S.  Boutwell, 
sent  to  Congress  a  copy  of  a  bill  making  changes  in  the  laws  relating  to 
the  mint,  one  of  which  changes  discontinued  the  coinage  of  the  silver 


The    Silver 
Question. 


51 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


The  Demone- 
tization Act  of 

1873. 


Bland  Intro- 
duces His  Bill. 


Changed  to  a 
Limited    Coin- 
age Measure. 


Passed  Over 
Hayes'    Veto. 


See  Chapter  X. 


dollar.  This,  however,  was  only  a  minor  feature  of  the  measure 
proposed  by  the  Secretar>^  and  attracted  but  little  attention,  for  the 
market  premium  of  3c  on  silver  at  the  legal  ratio  made  gold  the  unit  of 
account,  and  gold  had  been  such  since  the  16  to  1  proportion  was 
established  in  1837.  The  bill  did  not  pass  until  the  next  Congress.  It 
was,  however,  read  several  times  in  both  Senate  and  House,  printed 
thirteen  times  by  order  of  Congress,  considered  by  the  appropriate 
committees  of  both  branches  during  five  different  sessions,  and  the 
debates  upon  it  fill  144  columns  of  the  ^^ Congrcssio?ial  Globe.'" 

The  bill,  which  was  put  in  its  final  form  by  a  conference  committee, 
was  signed  by  President  Grant  February  12,  1873.  In  dropping  the 
silver  dollar  from  the  list  of  pieces  authorized  to  be  coined,  the  act  of 
1873  was  simply  a  statutory  recognition  of  something  which  had  been  a 
physical  fact  for  thirty -six  years. 

On  November  5,  1877,  in  the  first  of  President  Hayes'  two  extra 
sessions  of  Congress,  Representative  Bland  moved  to  suspend  the  rules 
and  pass  a  bill  directing  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  of  the  weight  of 
412/^  grains  of  standard  silver,  as  provided  by  the  act  of  January  18, 
1837,  the  coins  to  be  a  "legal  tender  at  their  nominal  value  for  all  debts 
and  dues,  public  and  private,  except  where  otherwise  provided  by 
contract,"  and  stipulating  that  any  owner  of  silver  bullion  might  deposit 
the  same  at  the  mints  to  be  coined  into  such  dollars  for  his  benefit,  upon 
the  same  terms  as  gold  bullion.  With  this  motion  Mr.  Bland  became  a 
national  character,  and  the  silver  question  became  an  absorbing  issue  in 
national  politics. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  164  (67  Republicans  and  97 
Democrats)  to  34  (24  Republicans  and  10  Democrats).  Mr.  Allison, 
from  the  Committee  on  Finance,  reported  the  bill  to  the  Senate  on 
November  21,  but  changed  from  the  free  coinage  form  which  it  had 
when  it  left  the  House  into  a  limited  coinage  bill.  It  provided  that  not 
less  than  $2,000,000  nor  more  than  $4,000,000  silver  bullion  be 
purchased  each  month  and  coined  into  dollars  of  the  weight  prescribed 
in  the  House  measure,  the  profit  from  the  coinage  to  go  into  the 
Treasury,  and  not,  as  the  bill  in  its  original  form  provided,  into  the 
pockets  of  the  owners  of  silver  bullion. 

The  bill  in  this  shape  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  48  (24  Repub- 
licans, 23  Democrats  and  1  Independent)  to  21  (14  Republicans  and  7 
Democrats).  It  was  accepted  by  the  House  in  this  form,  went  to  the 
President,  was  vetoed  by  him,  and  on  Februar>'  28,  1878,  was  passed 
over  the  veto  by  a  vote  of  196  (77  Republicans  and  119  Democrats)  to 
73  (51  Republicans  and  22  Democrats)  in  the  House,  and  by  46  (20 
Republicans,  25  Democrats  and  1  Independent)  to  19  (10  Republicans 
and  9  Democrats)  in  the  Senate,  becoming  a  law  on  that  day. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  silver  legislation  down  to  the  enactment  of 
the  law  of  1890,  the  Sherman  law,  which  act  will  be  treated  in  a 
subsequent  chapter. 


52 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


The  Democratic  Restoration 


THE  Republican  defeat  in  1884,  after  its  victory  in  six  successive 
Presidential  elections,  is  such  an  important  event  in  the  party's 
history  that  it  merits  an  extended  inquiry  into  its  cause.  Perhaps  John 
Sherman  was  right  when  he  said  that  "in  the  then  condition  of  political 
affairs  it  is  not  certain  that  any  Republican  would  have  been  elected." 

James  G.  Blaine,  however,  despite  his  ability  as  a  statesman,  his 
dexterity  and  experience  as  a  party  leader,  and  his  great  personal  popu- 
larity, had  two  distinct  and  important  elements  of  weakness — his  con- 
nection with  the  Conkling- Robertson  factional  feud  of  1881  and  the 
association  of  his  name  with  the  transactions  mentioned  in  the  Mulligan 
letters.  The  former  alienated  many  of  Conkling's  adherents  and  the 
latter  produced  the  Mugwump  revolt.  It  was  within  the  power  of  the 
Democrats  to  render  this  revolt  transient  and  comparatively  valueless  to 
themselves  or  to  make  it  directly  and  permanently  advantageous.  They 
could  make  the  bolting  element  stay  away  from  the  polls  or  vote  "in  the 
air"  by  casting  its  ballots  for  some  of  the  minor  candidates,  or  they 
could  attract  it  to  their  own  side  and  secure  from  it  a  double  benefit. 
All  this  depended  on  the  character  of  the  candidate  they  would  select. 
They  did  the  latter  when  they  nominated  Grover  Cleveland. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  Conkling -Robertson  wrangle  in  1881, 
has  already  been  mentioned.  It  led  to  the  defeat  of  Conkling  and  his 
Senatorial  colleague,  Thomas  C.  Piatt  when  seeking  re-election,  split 
the  Republican  party  in  New  York,  led  to  the  defeat  of  the  Conkling 
adherent,  Charles  J.  Folger,  when  running  for  Governor  in  1882,  by 
cutting  down  the  Republican  vote  in  New  York  that  year  213,000  as 
compared  with  the  vote  for  Garfield  two  years  earlier,  and  permitted 
Cleveland,  his  Democratic  opponent,  to  secure  a  193,000  plurality,  a 
lead  unexampled  in  extent  in  Governorship  canvasses  in  any  State  along 
to  that  time.  By  the  Congressional  canvass  of  the  same  year  a  House 
of  Representatives  with  eighty -four  Democratic  plurality'  was  chosen  to 
succeed  a  House  in  which  the  Republicans  had  a  lead.  That  revolution 
was  ominous.  The  history  of  the  countr}^  shows  that  the  party  holding 
the  Presidency  which  meets  anj'  such  reverse  as  this  in  the  middle  of  the 
term  is  sure  to  be  beaten  in  the  coming  canvass  for  President. 

There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether  there  was  anything 
incriminating  in  the  letters  written  by  Blaine  to  Warren  Fisher,  which 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  James  Mulligan,  a  former  clerk  of  Fisher. 
Blaine's  enemies  based  charges  of  corruption  upon  the  references  in 
them  to  legislation  favorable  to  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Railroad 
and  other  transactions,  while  Blaine's  friends  contended  that  there  was 
nothing  improper  in  them.     The  letters,  however,  which  came  to  light 


Reasons 

(or  Republican 

Defeat. 


Blaine's 
Weakness. 


Effect  of 

the  Conkling- 

Robertson 

Fight. 


The  Mulligan 
Letters. 


53 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

shortly  before  the  meeting  of  the  Republican  National  Convention  of 
1876,  were  one  of  the  causes  of  his  defeat  for  the  Presidential  nomina- 
tion in  that  year.  If  he  had  obtained  the  candidacy  at  that  time  there 
would  have  been  a  bolt  in  the  party,  and  when  he  got  it  eight  years  later 
the  bolt  came.  The  revolt  had  been  threatened  long  before  the  conven- 
tion of  1884  was  called,  which  nominated  Blaine.  George  William 
Curtis,  Carl  Schurz  and  Charles  R.  Codman  were  the  most  prominent  of 
the  Republicans  who  refused  to  support  Blaine,  and  Harper'' s  Weekly, 
the  New  York  Times,  the  Boston  Herald  and  the  Springfield  Republican 
were  the  most  conspicuous  journals  which  joined  in  the  revolt. 
TheMuffwump  '^^^  Independent  Republicans,  at  a  meeting  in  New  York  on  June 

Revolt.  16,  a  week  after  Blaine's  nomination,  adopted  resolutions  declaring  that 
Blaine  and  Logan  were  nominated  in  "absolute  disregard  of  the  reform 
spirit  of  the  nation,"  which  resolutions  concluded  thus:  "That  we  look 
with  solicitude  to  the  coming  nominations  by  the  Democratic  part}' ;  they 
have  the  proper  men — we  hope  they  will  put  them  before  the  people  for 
election."  This  meant  Cleveland.  July  22,  ten  days  after  his  nomina- 
tion, a  conference  of  Independents  was  held,  at  which  an  address  was 
issued  appealing  to  that  element  throughout  the  countrj'  to  support 
Cleveland, 
Cleveland's  Unquestionably  the  Mugwump  revolt  contributed  something  to  the 

strength.  ^\xu\  of  the  iiiflucnces  which  nominated  Cleveland.  In  putting  hira 
forward  the  Democrats  made  a  wise  choice.  Though  a  new  man,  who 
was  unknown  outside  of  his  own  county  three  years  earlier,  he  had 
many  elements  of  strength,  which  none  of  the  veteran  statesmen  who 
were  his  rivals  in  the  convention  could  command.  His  connection  with 
the  cause  of  reform  in  his  city  and  State  attracted  to  him  the  Republican 
seceders  all  over  the  country,  and  his  uniform  success  in  his  political 
ventures  and  the  tremendous  majority  by  which  he  had  won  the  gov- 
ernorship of  New  York  in  1882,  brought  to  him  a  floating  element  of 
voters  who  care  more  to  be  on  the  winning  side  than  they  do  for 
principle.  The  platform  on  which  he  stood,  though  true  on  most  points 
to  the  historical  Democratic  position,  was  portentously  long  and  was 
clumsily  drawn,  but  this  made  no  difference  in  the  result.  The  person- 
ality of  the  candidates  counted  for  more  and  the  issues  of  the  day  for 
less  in  1884  than  they  had  done  in  any  previous  canvass  in  the  country's 
history,  except  that  of  1828,  when  Jackson  was  elected  the  first  time,  and 
that  of  1840,  when  W.  H.  Harrison  was  victorious. 

Confronted  with  a  Republican  Senate  throughout  the  whole  of  his 

Absence  of  '  ** 

Par^l^^^Legis-  first  term,  though  the  House  during  that  period  was  controlled  by  his 
side,  President  Cleveland  between  March  4,  1885,  and  that  date  in  1889, 
did  not  have  an  opportunity  to  promote  or  accept  any  strictly  partisan 
legislation.  His  chief  objects  during  his  term  were  the  repeal  of 
the  Bland -Allison  law  of  1878,  and  a  reduction  of  the  duties  imposed  by 
the  tariff  of  1883.  In  both  endeavors  he  was  unsuccessful.  The  gap  at 
that  time  between  gold  and  silver  was  not  as  broad  as  it  became  later, 

54 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

the  bullion  value  of  the  silver  dollar  being  about  83  cents  in  March, 
1885,  as  compared  with  62  cents  at  the  time  the  Sherman  law  was 
repealed  in  1893,  and  52  cents,  the  average  of  the  first  half  of  1896. 
Silver  was  not  a  burning  issue  during  Cleveland's  first  term,  and  no  very 
serious  attempts  were  made  in  Congress  to  stop  its  coinage.  The  fact 
that  the  Senate  was  Republican  accounts  for  the  failure  of  the  endeavors 
to  cut  duties. 

On  February  27,  1885,  just  before  he  entered  office,  Mr.  Cleveland's 
first  assault  on  silver  was  made.  It  was  in  the  memorable  letter  to  A.  A^^Jaiissuver 
J.  Warner,  an  Ohio  Congressman,  in  which  the  repeal  of  the  coinage  ^'''^  ^•'•^  tariff. 
law  of  1878  was  advocated.  His  most  vigorous  attack  on  the  tariff  was 
made  in  the  historic  message  of  December  6,  1887.  On  both  these 
questions  Mr,  Cleveland  was  in  harmony  with  the  majority  of  the 
Mugwumps. 

On  the  civil  service  issue,  however,  which  was  one  of  the  questions 
which  attracted    them   toward   him,   the  President  did   not   give  entire      Toward  the 
satisfaction  to  the  Independents.     They  wanted  him  to  "take  the  offices  Act. 

out  of  politics,"  but  pressure  from  his  part>^  prevented  him  from  doing 
this  if  he  ever  had  any  such  intention.  The  Democrats,  after  their  long 
exclusion  from  office  were  naturally  as  "hungry  and  thirsty"  as  George 
William  Curtis  had  previously  declared  them  to  be,  and  wanted  the 
"clean  sweep"  which  had  been  the  rule  on  each  party  change  in  the 
Presidency  since  Jackson's  first  accession  to  office.  The  President  did 
not  surrender  to  this  demand.  On  the  contrary,  under  the  authority 
given  b3''  the  civil  service  act  signed  by  President  Arthur  in  1883,  he 
added,  in  his  first  term,  11,757  places  to  the  number  filled  by  competitive 
examination,  as  compared  with  15,773  by  Arthur,  15,598  by  Harrison, 
and  42,025  by  himself  in  his  second  term.  He  reappointed  the 
Republican  postmaster  of  New  York,  and  allowed  many  Republican 
officials  to  serve  out  their  terms.  At  the  same  time  he  made  many 
removals  for  political  reasons.  In  thus  attempting  to  conform  to  the 
wishes  of  both  elements  he  pleased  neither. 

Two  measures  of  urgent  and  lasting  importance  were  passed  during 
Cleveland's  first  term.  These  were  the  Presidential  succession  and  the 
electoral  count  acts.  On  neither  of  these,  however,  were  ]Dartisan  lines 
rigidly  drawn       The    Presidential    succession    bill    passed    the    Senate 

.  /  T~.  The  Presiden- 

without  a  division,  and  the  House  by  a  vote  of  185  (146  Democrats  and  tiai  succession 
39  Republicans)  to  77  (75  Republicans  and  2  Democrats) ,  and  it  was 
signed  by  the  President  January  18,  1886.  It  withdrew  the  President  of 
the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  from  the  line  of  succession  to 
the  Presidency  in  the  cases  where  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice- 
President  were  vacant  for  any  cause,  and  provided  that  the  Presidency 
should  pass  in  that  contingency  to  members  of  the  Cabinet,  beginning 
with  the  Secretar>^  of  State,  or,  if  there  were  no  such  official  at  that 
time,  then  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  so  on  to  the  different 
members  in  the  order  of  the  creation  of  their  offices. 

55 


Law. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

The  Electoral  The  electoral  count  bill  passed  the  Senate  without  a  division  and 

Count  Act.  y^Q^^  through  the  House  in  a  modified  form  by  141  (133  Democrats  and 
8  Republicans)  to  109  (101  Republicans  and  8  Democrats),  and  was 
signed  February  3,  1887.  Under  this  law  each  State,  through  its  own 
tribunals,  can  settle  all  disputes  arising  out  of  contests  for  the  Presidency 
within  its  limits,  but  this  must  be  done  by  a  law  passed  before  the 
electors  are  chosen,  and  the  decision  must  be  made  at  least  six  days 
before  the  electors  meet.  If  there  is  a  dispute  between  different  tribu- 
nals in  a  State  as  to  the  vote,  and  if  the  two  branches  of  Congress  cannot 
agree  as  to  which  vote  shall  be  received,  the  one  which  has  been  certi- 
fied by  the  State's  Executive  shall  be  counted.  This  is  the  only  con- 
tingency in  which  Congress  can  interfere,  except  that  in  cases  where 
electoral  votes  are  not  protected  by  State  judicial  determination  such 
votes  may  be  rejected  bj^  the  concurrent  voice  of  the  two  branches. 

The  assassination  of  Garfield  when  there  was  no  President  pro  tem. 
of  the  Senate  and  no  Speaker  of  the  House,  suggested  the  enactment 
of  the  Presidential  succession  law,  and  the  disputed  count  in  the  Hayes - 
Tilden  case  dictated  the  passage  of  the  electoral  vote  act. 

The  Interstate  The  enactment  of  the  interstate  commerce  law  and  the  repeal  of  the 

i,aw.  tenure  of  office  act  were  the  most  important  of  the  other  legislation  of 

the  first  half  of  the  Presidential  term.  There  was  no  partisan  division 
in  the  interstate  commerce  law,  which  was  signed  February'  4,  1887.  It 
forbids  discrimination  in  rates  and  the  "pooling"  of  rates  by  competing 
lines  of  railway,  and  creates  a  semi -judicial  tribunal  to  enforce  the  pro- 
visions of  the  law.  The  law  repealing  the  tenure  of  office  act  passed  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  30  (26  Democrats  and  4  Republicans)  to  22  (all 
Republicans),  and  the  House  by  a  vote  of  171  (139  Democrats  and 
32  Republicans)  to  67  (65  Republicans  and  2  Democrats),  and  was 
approved  March  3,  1887. 

Repeal  of  the  The  act  which  this  law  repealed  was  passed  by  the  Republicans  in 

Office  Law.  1867  to  tie  the  hands  of  President  Johnson,  and  provided  that,  with 
certain  exceptions,  no  officer  subject  to  confirmation  by  the  Senate 
should  be  removed  without  the  consent  of  that  body,  but  during  a  recess 
of  the  Senate  the  President  might  remove  an  officer  and  appoint  his 
successor  till  the  Senate  could  act.  Some  of  the  harsher  features  of  this 
law  were  repealed  during  President  Grant's  service,  and  the  remainder 
of  it,  as  before  mentioned,  was  swept  away  b}'  the  act  of  March  3,  1887. 
A  law  approved  October  1,  1888,  prohibiting  Chinese  immigration. 

Immigration,  and  rendering  certificates  of  returning  Chinamen  void,  was  the  most 
important  legislative  act  of  the  second  half  of  Cleveland's  first  term. 
There  was  no  partisan  division  on  this  question. 

Partisan  contests  of  great  vigor  and  interest  occurred  on  two  meas- 
ures between  1885  and  1889.  Both  of  these  were  attacks  on  the  tariff, 
and  neither  of  them  was  enacted.  The  first  of  these  was  the  Morrison 
bill,  reducing  duties,  which  was  killed  in  the  House  of  Representatives 

Morrison's  .         .  .  .  i  .       ,  -i,         atm 

Tariff  Bill,     on  June  17,  1886,  bj^  a  rejection  of  the  motion  to  consider  the  bill.     The 

56 


Senator  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

vote  was  140  (136  Democrats  and  4  Republicans)  for  consideration,  to 
157  (122  Republicans  and  35  Democrats)  against  it.  The  35  Democrats 
who  aided  the  Republicans  to  defeat  the  bill  were  the  Randall  contingent, 
who  were  destined  to  shrink  to  very  small  proportions,  and  then  to 
vanish  altogether  in  the  coming  years. 

The  second  of  the  tariff  contests  was  on  the  Mills  bill,  which  passed  "^^^  **'"■  ^'"• 
the  House  of  Representatives  July  21,  1888,  by  a  vote  of  162  (161 
Democrats  and  1  Republican)  to  149  (145  Republicans  and  4  Democrats). 
Within  two  years  the  protectionist  Democrats,  whose  weight  in  the  scale 
with  the  Republicans  against  the  Morrison  bill  was  decisive,  had  practi- 
cally disappeared.  The  Mills  bill  was  antagonized  in  the  Republican 
Senate  by  a  Republican  substitute  measure,  which  passed  that  body,  but 
which  was  not  considered  in  the  House.  In  the  House /which  passed 
the  Mills  bill,  as  well  as  in  the  one  which  rejected  the  Morrison  measure, 
the  Democrats  were  in  the  majority.  The  Republicans  who  took  a 
particularly  conspicuous  part  in  the  House  in  the  contest  against  the 
Mills  bill  were  Thomas  B.  Reed,  William  McKinley  and  Julius  C. 
Burrows. 

The  inciting  cause  of  the  Mills  bill  of  1888  was  the  historic  message  Cleveland's 
of  December  6,  1887,  in  which  the  President  broke  all  precedents  in  "^^"o^  ^^7**'^* 
deliverances  of  this  sort,  and  confined  his  attention  to  a  single  subject — 
the  tariff.  The  treasury  surpluses  were  the  leading  influence  in  instigat- 
ing the  message.  Ever  since  1880  the  Government's  revenue  largely 
exceeded  its  expenditure,  the  excess  ranging  between  $63,000,000  in  the 
fiscal  5'ear  1885  and  $146,000,000  in  1882.  A  Republican  tariff  reduc- 
tion, the  act  of  March  3,  1883,  cut  down  the  revenues  to  a  considerable 
extent,  yet  they  were  embarrassingly  large  when  Cleveland  entered 
ofl5ce  in  1885,  and  the  surplus  was  $103,000,000  in  the  twelve  months 
ending  with  June  30,  1887,  five  months  before  the  message  spoken  of 
was  written. 

The  President  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  redundant  -a  condition, 
revenues,  advised  a  reduction  of  duties  on  many  articles,  raw  and  manu-  No' a  Theory ' 
factured,  and  recommended  the  repeal  of  the  impost  on  wool.  The 
existing  tariff  laws,  he  said,  were  the  "vicious,  inequitable  and  illogical 
source  of  unnecessary  taxation,"  and  "ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and 
amended."  "Our  progress  toward  a  wise  conclusion  will  not  be 
improved  by  dwelling  on  the  theories  of  protection  and  free  trade,"  he 
said.  "This  savors  too  much  of  bandying  epithets.  It  is  a  condition 
which  confronts  us,  not  a  theorj'." 

This  deliverance,  and  the  Mills  bill,  which  was  designed  to  give  it  siaines 'Paris 
practical  shape,  constituted  the  chief  issue  of  the  canvass  of  1888.  Messaje." 
James  G.  Blaine,  then  in  Paris,  made  a  vigorous  repl}'  to  the  message  in 
an  inter\'iew,  which  was  cabled  to  the  United  States  and  published  in 
the  leading  newspapers.  The  Blaine  reply  strengthened  the  hold  of  its 
author  on  the  regard  of  the  Republican  masses,  and  created  an  apparently 
irresistible  demand  for  his  nomination  in  1888.     This  was  so  widespread 

57 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


The  Conven- 
tion of  1888. 


The 

Tariff  "Plank" 

of   1888. 


Harrison's 
Nomination. 


Cleveland's 
Renomination. 


and  powerful  that  though  he  withdrew  from  the  conte.st  on  the  score  of 
ill -health,  in  two  letters  from  Europe,  he  received  many  votes  in  the 
convention. 

The  convention  met  in  Chicago  June  19,  declared  in  favor  of 
protection,  denounced  the  Mills  bill,  opposed  the  introduction  of  foreign 
contract  labor  and  of  Chinese  labor,  declared  its  hostility  to  trusts, 
demanded  the  admission  to  Statehood  of  all  the  Territories  fitted  for 
that  condition,  and  said,  "the  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
both  gold  and  silver  as  money,  and  condemns  the  policy  of  the 
Democratic  Administration  in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver. ' ' 

This  was  the  tariff  utterance  in  full:  "We  are  uncompromisingly  in 
favor  of  the  American  system  of  protection ;  we  protest  against  its 
destruction  as  proposed  by  the  President  and  his  party.  They  serve  the 
interests  of  Europe ;  we  will  support  the  interests  of  America.  We 
accept  the  issue,  and  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  for  their  judgment. 
The  protective  system  must  be  maintained.  Its  abandonment  has  always 
been  followed  by  general  disaster  to  all  interests  except  those  of  the  usurer 
and  the  sheriff.  We  denounce  the  Mills  bill  as  destructive  to  the  general 
business,  the  labor  and  the  farming  interests  of  the  country,  and  we 
heartily  indorse  the  consistent  and  patriotic  action  of  the  Republican 
representatives  in  Congress  in  opposing  its  passage.  We  condemn  the 
proposition  of  the  Democratic  party  to  place  wool  on  the  free  list,  and 
we  insist  that  the  duties  thereon  shall  be  adjusted  and  maintained  so  as 
to  furnish  full  and  adequate  protection  to  that  industry  throughout  the 
United  States.  The  Republican  party  would  effect  all  needed  reduction 
of  the  national  revenue  by  repealing  the  taxes  upon  tobacco,  which  are 
an  annoyance  and  burden  to  agriculture,  and  the  tax  upon  spirits  used 
in  the  arts  and  for  mechanical  purposes ;  and  by  such  revision  of  the 
tariff  laws  as  will  tend  to  check  imports  of  such  articles  as  are  produced 
by  our  people,  the  production  of  which  gives  employment  to  our  labor, 
and  release  from  import  duties  those  articles  of  foreign  ]^roduction 
(except  luxuries),  the  like  of  which  cannot  be  produced  at  home.  If 
there  shall  still  remain  a  larger  revenue  than  is  requisite  for  the  wants  of 
the  Government,  we  favor  the  entire  repeal  of  internal  taxes  rather  than 
the  surrender  of  any  part  of  our  protective  system  at  the  joint  behest  of 
the  whisky  trusts  and  the  agents  of  foreign  manufacturers." 

On  the  first  ballot  the  aspirants  stood  in  this  order,  beginning  with 
the  one  having  the  largest  number  of  votes:  John  Sherman,  Walter  Q. 
Gresham,  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  Russell  A.  Alger,  Benjamin  Harrison, 
William  B.  Allison  and  James  G.  Blaine,  with  a  few  local  favorites 
bringing  up  the  rear.  Sherman  lost  the  first  place  on  the  seventh 
ballot,  Harrison  taking  it,  and  Harrison  was  nominated  on  the  eighth 
ballot. 

Cleveland  was  renominated  by  acclamation  in  a  convention  which 
met  in  St.  Louis  June  5.  Clinton  B.  Fisk  was  nominated  by  the 
Prohibitionists,  and  Alanson  J.  Streeter  by  the  Union  Labor  party. 


58 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


The  canvass  was  moderately  spirited,  but  much  less  ])ersoiial,  active 
and  exciting  than  that  of  1884.  A  discreditable  episode  in  the  canvass 
was  the  publication  of  correspondence  between  a  man  signing  himself 
"Charles  F.  Murchison"  and  Lord  Sackville,  the  British  Minister  at 
Washington,  in  which  the  bogus  "Murchison"  pretended  to  be  a  former 
British  subject,  now  a  naturalized  American  citizen,  and  asked  Sackville 
how  he  ("Murchison")  ought  to  vote.  The  Minister  fell  into  the  trap  and 
said  that  a  vote  for  Cleveland  would  be  more  friendly  to  England  than 
one  for  Harrison.  The  correspondence  was  published  two  weeks  before 
election,  and  was  used  by  the  Republicans  as  an  evidence  of  British 
friendship  for  the  Democrats.  On  the  request  of  President  Cleveland 
the  guileless  Minister  was  recalled. 

In  the  election  the  Republicans  carried  the  country,  securing  the 
electoral  votes  of  all  the  North  and  West  except  Connecticut  and  New 
Jersey,  while  the  Democrats  won  these  two  States  and  the  solid  South. 
New  York,  as  in  1844,  1848,  1880  and  1884,  turned  the  scale  in  1888. 
Neither  of  the  minor  parties  obtained  any  electoral  votes.  Harrison's 
electoral  vote  was  233  and  Cleveland's  168.  Of  the  popular  vote 
Harrison  had  5,440,551;  Cleveland,  5,538,494;  Fisk,  250,290,  and 
Streeter,  147,045. 

The  Republicans,  after  four  years  of  exclusion  from  sway,  were 
again  placed  in  power,  regaining  the  House  as  well  as  the  Presidency. 
They  had  held  the  Senate  during  Cleveland's  entire  term. 


The 

'Murchison' 

Letter. 


Harrison's 
Election. 


59 


History  of  the  .Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Politics  in  Harrison's  Days. 


Uncertainties 
of  Politics. 


Republican 
Reverses  of 
1890  and  1892. 


Harrison  and 
the  Surplus. 


The  Reed 
Rules. 


THE  experience  of  the  country  between  1889  and  1893,  during  the 
term  of  President  Harrison,  furnishes  a  conspicuous  illustration  of 
the  uncertainty  of  the  tenure  on  which  parties  hold  power  when  a  strong 
and  alert  opposition  organization  exists ;  the  extent  to  which  independ  - 
ence  in  voting  is  carried  in  the  present  age,  and  the  swiftness  and 
sureness  with  which  a  party's  overthrow  follows  on  the  heels  of  its 
errors  or  blunders. 

On  March  4,  1889,  the  Republicans  recovered  the  Presidency  which 
they  lost  in  1885  and  the  House,  which  was  taken  away  from  them  in 
1883,  and  they  retained  their  hold  on  the  Senate.  Four  States  in  the 
Republican  section — North  and  South  Dakota,  Montana  and  Washington 
— which  had  been  created  by  bills  signed  by  President  Cleveland  shortly 
before  his  retirement  in  1889,  seemed  to  intrench  them  in  power  in  the 
Senate  and  in  the  Electoral  College  for  many  years  without  any  possi- 
bility of  dislodgemeut.  Their  position,  too,  was  farther  strengthened,  or 
appeared  to  be,  by  the  creation  of  two  more  States  in  the  same  localitj' — 
Idaho  and  Wj^oming — in  1890. 

Within  two  years,  however,  the  whole  face  of  affairs  changed.  The 
election  of  1890  placed  them  in  one  of  the  smallest  minorities  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  ever  known  in  the  entire  history  of  the  coun- 
try, and  that  of  1892  completed  the  work  by  turning  them  out  of  power 
in  the  Presidency  and  the  Senate.  The  change  was  caused  by  the  work 
of  the  first  Congress  of  the  presidential  term — that  of  1889-91. 

On  December  3,  1889,  a  day  after  the  opening  of  the  Fifty -first 
Congress,  President  Harrison,  in  his  message,  called  attention  in  these 
words,  to  a  problem  which  had  for  two  or  three  ^ears  excited  much 
concern  throughout  the  countr>' :  "The  existence  of  so  large  an  actual 
and  anticipated  surplus  ($43,700,000  in  excess  of  ordinarj'  expenditures 
and  the  requirements  of  the  sinking  fund  in  the  fiscal  year  to  end  seven 
months  later,  June  30,  1890)  should  have  the  immediate  attention  of 
Congress,  with  a  view  to  reducing  the  receipts  of  the  Treasury'  to  the 
needs  of  the  Government  as  closely  as  may  be.  The  collection  of  money's 
not  needed  for  public  uses  imposes  an  unnecessary  burden  upon  our 
people,  and  the  presence  of  so  large  a  surplus  in  the  public  vaults  is  a 
disturbing  element  in  the  conduct  of  public  business." 

One  of  the  earliest  tasks  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Congress  which  President  Harrison  thus  addressed — the  Fifty -first 
Congress — was   the    adoption  of   a  code  of   rules   devised   by    Speaker 


60 


Senator  William  P.  Frye,  ok  Maine. 


','    O    t 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Thomas  B.  Reed,  to  enable  the  party  responsible  for  legislation  to 
exercise  a  more  complete  control  over  it  than  was  possible  under  the 
rules  prevailing  before  that  time.  The  rules  were  designed  chiefly  to 
prevent  dilatory  motions,  and  to  enable  the  Speaker  to  "count  quorums." 
They  gave  the  Speaker  powers  which  were  never  before  possessed' by 
that  official. 

The  contest  over  the  rules  was  long  and  exciting,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic opposition  was  bitter  and  constant,  yet  the  leading  principles  of 
the  innovations  were  adopted  afterward  by  the  Democrats  in  a  House 
presided  over  by  Charles  F.  Crisp.  The  narrowness  of  the  Republican 
margin  in  the  House  at  the  outset  in  the  Fifty -first  Congress — their 
plurality  was  only  seven — and  the  ease  with  which  the  minority  were 
able  to  break  quorums  by  refusing  to  answer  roll-calls,  dictated  the 
change  in  rules.  The  new  rules  were  adopted  by  a  vote  of  161  to  144,  a 
strict  partisan  division,  23  members  not  voting. 

In  the  intervals  in  the  contests  on  the  adoption  of  rules,  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee  was  at  work  on  a  tariff  bill  which  William 
McKinley,  its  chairman,  reported  to  the  House  April  16,  1890.  The 
measure,  which  was  called  a  bill  to  "reduce  the  revenue  and  equalize  the 
duties  on  imports  and  for  other  purposes,"  passed  the  House  May  21  by 
a  vote  of  164  (all  Republicans)  to  142  (l  Republican,  140  Democrats 
and  1  Independent).  The  Senate,  on  September  9,  attached  a  reciprocity 
amendment  to  the  bill  by  a  vote  of  38  (all  Republicans)  to  29  (2  Repub- 
licans and  27  Democrats),  modified  it  in  other  particulars,  and  passed 
the  bill  on  the  11th  by  a  strict  partisan  vote  of  40  to  29.  The  House 
refused  to  concur  in  the  Senate  amendments,  and  a  committee  of  confer- 
ence was  chosen,  which  made  a  report  on  the  points  in  disagreement. 
This  report,  which  was  practically  an  indorsement  of  the  Senate's 
changes  in  the  measures,  was  accepted  by  the  House  September  27.  by 
a  vote  of  152  (all  Republicans)  to  81  (79  Democrats,  1  Republican  and 
1  Independent).  The  Senate  agreed  to  it  on  the  30th,  and  it  was  signed 
by  President  Harrison  October  1,  1890. 

The  McKinley  act  advanced  duties  on  many  articles,  reduced  duties 
on  a  few,  and  placed  some  articles  on  the  free  list.  Raw  sugar  was  the 
most  important  product  made  free.  The  sugar  provision  was  highly 
popular  with  Republicans,  and  so  was  the  reciprocity  section,  which  was 
suggested  by  Secretary  Blaine,  and  through  which  advantageous  trade 
treaties  were  had  with  several  countries.  The  advances  in  duties, 
however,  which  covered  many  articles  in  the  textile  and  metal  schedules, 
were  received  with  some  disfavor  by  an  element  of  the  Republicans  in 
many  of  the  Western  States,  and  lessened  the  party's  vote  in  1890 
and  1892. 

The  object  of  the  act  was  to  reduce  the  revenue  and  increase  protec- 
tion, and  this  it  accomplished.  In  the  fiscal  year  1890,  before  the  act 
was  passed,  the  customs  amounted  to  $230,000,000.  They  were 
$220,000,000  in  1891,  during  part  of  which  year  the  law  was  in  opera- 


The  McKinley 
Tariff. 


Scope  and 

Character  of 

That  Act. 


n   Cuts  the 
Revenues. 


61 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Harrison 

on  the  Silver 

Issue. 


The  Conger 
Silver  Bill. 


Plumb's  Free 
Coinage  Bill. 


The  "Sherman 
Law." 


tion,  and  they  were  $177,000,000  in  1892,  throughout  the  whole  of 
which  the  law  was  in  force.  In  the  last  named  year  the  excess  of 
revenue  over  expenditure  was  $10,000,000,  while  it  was  $86,000,000  in 
1890. 

Of  even  greater  importance  than  the  tariff  bill  was  the  silver  meas- 
ure, which  was  taken  up  later,  but  passed  earlier.  The  President  in  his 
message  of  December  3,  1889,  told  Congress  that  the  Bland -Allison 
law  of  February  28,  1878,  "requiring  the  purchase  by  the  Treasury 
of  $2,000,000  of  silver  bullion  each  month,  to  be  coined  into  silver 
dollars,  *  *  *  has  been  observed  by  the  Department,  but  neither 
the  present  Secretary  nor  any  of  his  predecessors  has  deemed  it  safe  to 
exercise  the  discretion  given  by  law  to  increase  the  monthly  purchases 
to  $4,000,000,"  and  he  added  that  bethought  it  was  clear  that  "if  we 
should  make  the  coinage  of  silver  at  the  present  ratio  free,  we  must 
expect  that  the  difference  in  the  bullion  values  of  the  gold  and  silver 
dollars  will  be  taken  account  of  in  commercial  transactions," — that  is, 
that  gold  would  disappear,  and  that  the  country' 's  currency  would  drop 
to  the  silver  level,  the  bullion  value  of  the  silver  dollar  at  that  time 
being  about  seventy' -two  cents  in  gold. 

The  President  said  he  favored  the  use  of  silver  in  the  currency,  and 
he  approved  a  plan  submitted  by  Secretary  Windom,  and  afterward 
embodied  in  a  bill  introduced  in  the  House.  It  provided  for  the  issue  of 
notes  against  the  deposits  of  American  silver  bullion  at  the  market  price 
of  the  bullion  on  the  day  of  its  deposit. 

A  bill  introduced  by  E.  H.  Conger,  of  Iowa,  in  the  House  was 
substituted  for  this  one,  and  passed  that  body.  It  provided  for  the 
purchase  of  $4,500,000  worth  of  silver  bullion  a  month,  and  the  issue  of 
treasury  notes  against  it,  and  one  of  its  sections  provided  for  free 
coinage  when  the  market  price  of  silver  reached  $1.00  for  37lJ  grains  of 
the  pure  metal. 

This  conditional  free  silver  bill  was  transformed  into  an  absolute 
free  coinage  measure  in  the  Senate  June  17,  1890,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Plumb,  by  a  vote  of  43  (14  Republicans  and  29  Democrats)  to  24 
(22  Republicans  and  2  Democrats).  The  House,  on  June  25,  refused 
to  accept  the  bill  in  this  form,  rejecting  the  free  coinage  amendment  by 
152  (131  Republicans  and  21  Democrats)  to  135  (22  Republicans  and 
113  Democrats),  and  a  committee  of  conference  was  ordered,  which 
framed  a  compromise  bill. 

This  measure,  in  brief,  directed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
purchase  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  each  month  at  the  market  price,  and 
to  issue  in  payment  for  it  Treasury  notes,  these  notes  to  be  a  legal 
tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  where  otherwise  provided 
in  the  contract,  the  notes  to  be  redeemable  in  gold  or  silver  coin,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  Secretary.  This  bill,  which  repealed  the  Bland -Allison 
act,  was  accepted  July  10  by  a  vote  of  39  to  26  in  the  Senate,  and  July 
12  by  122  to  90  in  the  House  (all  the  afl&rmative  votes  in  each  branch, 


62 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

except  the  one  Independent  in  the  House,  being  Republican  and  all  the  The  •shcrtnan 
negative  votes  Democratic),  and  was  signed  b}'  President  Harrison  July         Uw" 
14,  1890,  becoming  what  was  popularly  called  the  Sherman  law,  the  law 
that  had  its  purchase  clause  repealed  by  the  measure  signed  by  President 
Cleveland  November  1,  1893. 

It  was  believed  by  the  public  at  the  time  that  the  silver  law  of  1890  shcrman  tcIU 
was  adopted  by  the  Republicans  as  a  means  of  averting  free  coinage.  ^^passVd!** 
This,  too,  was  the  explanation  which  has  been  given  by  its  sponsor  on 
many  occasions.  In  his  book  he  says:  "The  situation  at  that  time  was 
critical.  A  large  majority  of  the  Senate  favored  free  silver,  and  it  was 
feared  that  the  small  majority  against  it  in  the  other  house  might  yield 
and  agree  to  it.  The  silence  of  the  President  (Harrison)  on  the  matter 
gave  rise  to  an  apprehension  that  if  a  free  coinage  bill  should  pass  both 
houses  he  would  not  feel  at  liberty  to  veto  it.     Some  action  had  to  be     Joh"  .^her- 

•^  man  s      Rtcol- 

taken  to  prevent  a  return  to  free  silver  coinage,  and  the  measure  evolved  pJ,^*'Yea«  •• 

was  the  best  attainable.     I  voted  for  it,  but  the  day  it  became  a  law  I  ^oi  "  •  p-  io«- 
was  ready  to  repeal  it  if  repeal  could  be  had  without  substituting  in  its 
place  absolute  free  coinage." 

Hon.   Henr>'  M.  Teller,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Senate  in  1890     teller  chai- 
and  for  years  before  that  time,  gave  in  a  discussion  in  the  Senate  on      _JenKes 

-'  ^  Snerman  s 

April  29,  1896,  an  entirely  different  reason  for  the  adoption  of  the  law  statements, 
of  1890.  "Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "I  do  not  intend  to  go  into  this 
discussion  now,  but  in  the  interest  of  history  and  truth  and  exactness,  I 
challenge  the  statement  made  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio  that  the  Sherman 
bill  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  free  coinage.  *  *  *  We 
had  passed  a  bill  and  sent  it  to  the  other  house,  and  had  been  beaten  by 
more  than  thirty  votes.  We  had  in  the  White  House  a  President  who 
had  said  to  numerous  members  of  this  body  that  if  the  free  coinage  bill 
came  to  him  he  would  veto  it.  We  had  a  Secretary-  of  the  Treasury 
(Windom)  who  had  declared  again  and  again  to  Senators  and  members 
that  a  free  coinage  bill  would  be  vetoed  by  the  President.  On  the  day 
the  Sherman  bill  passed,  there  was  no  more  show  of  a  free  coinage  bill 
becoming  a  law  than  there  was  of  the  heavens  falling. 

"I  will,  in  the  interest  of  history,"  added  the  Colorado  Senator,   ^^y^  jj  ^.„  ^ 
"state  why  the  Sherman  bill  passed.     If  it  is  a  party  secret  I  will  give  it    ^^^^Jj^^^/i, 
out,  because  the  statement  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio  has  been  repeatedly  the  Tariff  Bill, 
made  that  he  yielded  to  that  measure.     *     *     *     We  had  in  this  body  a 
majority  for  free  coinage,  and  we  who  were  in  favor  of  a  tariff  bill  were 
in  favor  of  a  free -coinage  bill  if  we  could  get  it,  and  if  we  could  not  get 
it  we  wanted  something  that  would  come  near  to  it.     We  did  not  believe 
that  we  could  use  the  tariff  bill  to  secure  free  coinage.     We  did  not 
believe  the  Executive  would  sign  a  bill  if  it  had  a  free -coinage  measure 
attached,  although  it  might  be  a  tariff  bill  that  suited  him.     We  knew 
then  that  if  we  put  the  free-coinage  bill  upon  the  tariff  bill  the  free- 
coinage    bill    and    the    tariff    bill    both    alike  would    be    lost.      But  we 
determined  that  we  would  put  the  free -coinage  bill  upon  the  tariff  bill, 

63 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Congressional 
Record,  Fifty- 
fourth  Con- 
gress, 
First  Session, 
pp.  5005,  5006. 


Republicans, 

However, 
Ready  to  Re- 
peal the  Law. 


The  "Force 
Bill." 


The  Bill  Killed 
by  Silver  Re- 
publican 
Votes. 


A  Busy 
Congress. 


which  we  knew  we  could  do  with  the  help  of  the  Democrats,  who,  of 
course,  would  vote  with  us.  That  we  said  we  would  do,  and  that  is 
why  the  Senator  from  Ohio  yielded  his  judgment.  That  is  why  the 
Republicans  on  this  side  who  had  been  opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  yielded,  not  to  free  coinage,  but  to  what  they  thought  was  a  lesser 
evil,  what  they  thought  would  answer  the  purpose  of  satisfying  the 
silver  Republicans  and  secure  their  votes." 

The  Colorado  Senator's  statement  that  the  silver  law  of  1890  was 
given  to  the  silver  mining  States  in  compensation  for  votes  of  silver 
Republican  Senators  for  the  Republican  tariff  bill  passed  later  in  the 
same  year,  was  not  challenged  by  anybody  in  the  Senate  on  the  day  it 
was  made.  Nevertheless,  Senator  Sherman  and  other  Republicans,  as  the 
records  of  Congress  show,  stood  ready  to  vote  for  the  silver  law's  repeal 
long  before  the  panic  of  1893  came,  which  made  repeal  imperative 

A  measure  of  fully  as  great  partisan  interest  to  the  Republicans  as 
the  tariff — that  is,  the  measure  called  by  its  enemies  the  "force  bill" — 
which  had  long  been  part  of  the  Republican  programme,  was  pressed 
vigorously  in  the  Congress  of  1889-91,  and  met  with  a  final  defeat  near 
the  end  of  the  term.  The  bill  proposed  to  extend  and  strengthen  the 
Federal  election  laws  of  1870,  1871  and  1872,  in  the  canvasses  in  which 
members  of  Congress  were  chosen,  and  was  directed  against  the 
suppression  of  the  negro  vote  in  the  South.  The  measure,  which 
encountered  more  violent  opposition  from  the  Democrats  than  even  the 
tariff  aroused,  passed  the  House  July  2,  1890,  by  a  vote  of  155  (154 
Republicans  and  1  Independent)  to  149  (147  Democrats  and  2 
Republicans). 

In  the  Senate  on  January  26,  1891,  the  bill  was  killed  by  a  combi- 
nation of  six  Republicans — Cameron  of  Pennsylvania,  Jones  and  Stewart 
of  Nevada,  Teller  and  Wolcott  of  Colorado,  and  Washburn  of  Min- 
nesota— with  the  Democrats.  By  a  motion  of  Senator  Wolcott  on  that 
day  the  apportionment  bill  was  taken  up  instead  of  the  elections  measure, 
the  vote  for  the  motion  being  35  (the  6  Republicans  named  and  29 
Democrats),  and  the  vote  against  the  motion  was  34  (all  Republicans). 
The  bill  thus  side-tracked  was  never  taken  up  again.  In  1891-3  the 
House  was  over^vhelmingly  Democratic,  and  no  measure  of  that  sort 
could  pass;  and  in  1893-5,  all  branches  of  the  Government  being  Demo- 
cratic, the  laws  which  this  measure  was  designed  to  strengthen  were 
swept  from  the  statute  book  by  the  act  signed  by  President  Cleveland, 
February  12,  1894. 

In  amount  of  important  work  accomplished  or  attempted,  the  record 
of  the  Fifty -first  Congress,  that  of  1889-91,  the  first  Congress  of  the 
Harrison  presidential  term,  is  not  often  equaled.  There  are  two  reasons 
why  the  record,  in  this  respect,  of  the  next  Congress  did  not  closel}' 
approach  it.  First,  the  second  Congress  of  an  Administration  seldom 
does  or  tries  to  do  as  much  serious  work  as  the  first  one,  much  of  its 
time  being  spent  in  maneuvering  for  party  position  in  the  presidential 


64 


Senator  Stephen  B.  Elkins,  ok  West  Virginia. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


campaign,  which  takes  place  in  that  congressional  term;  and  secondly, 
and  chiefly,  as  respects  this  particular  period,  the  party  which  had  the 
Presidency  and  both  branches  of  the  first  Congress  controlled  only  one 
branch  of  the  second  one. 

In  the  congressional  elections  of  1890  the  Republican  party  was 
overwhelmingly  defeated,  its  representation  in  the  House  being  cut  to 
one  of  the  smallest  minorities  (88  Republicans,  233  Democrats  and  9 
Populists)  ever  known  in  that  body.  The  Republicans  were  under 
serious  disadvantages  in  that  year.  By  the  McKinley  tariff  they  increased 
many  duties,  which  is  about  as  hazardous  a  thing  as  to  reduce  them, 
giving  the  opposing  party  an  opportunity  to  cry  out  that  one  element  of 
the  community — the  consumers  in  the  case  of  advances  and  the  producers 
in  the  case  of  reductions — is  being  assailed.  As  the  consumers  are  the 
larger  class  this  cry  was  particularly  hurtful  to  the  Republicans,  espe- 
cially as  the  tariff  did  not  go  into  operation  until  about  a  month  of  the 
election.  In  such  a  case,  when  practical  knowledge  of  an  act  can  not 
be  gained,  the  worst  which  has  been  charged  against  it  is  apt  to  be 
believed,  whether  fuller  acquaintance  with  it  shows  it  to  be  good  or  bad. 

The  Chinese  exclusion  bill  was  the  one  great  act  of  that  Republican 
Senate  and  Democratic  House,  constituting  the  Congress  of  1891-3. 
This  measure,  the  Geary  law,  extended  for  ten  years  the  operation  of  all 
laws  prohibiting  and  regulating  Chinese  immigration,  provided  for  the 
deportation  of  all  Chinamen  not  lawfully  entitled  to  remain  in  the  United 
States,  and  required  Chinese  laborers  in  this  countn*'  to  secure  certificates 
of  residence  from  Collectors  of  Internal  Revenue,  within  a  year,  on 
penalty  of  deportation. 

The  measure  in  this  shape,  which  was  the  work  of  a  conference 
committee,  was  agreed  to  by  the  Senate  May  3,  1892,  b}'  a  vote  of  30 
(19  Republicans,  10  Democrats  and  1  Populist)  to  15  (7  Republicans,  7 
Democrats  and  1  Populist).  The  House  adopted  it  May  4  by  186  (25 
Republicans,  154  Democrats  and  7  Populists)  to  27  (9  Republicans  and 
18  Democrats).  The  bill  was  approved  by  President  Harrison  May  5, 
1892.  As  money  for  deporting  the  large  numbers  of  Chinamen  who 
failed  to  procure  certificates  was  not  available,  it  was  modified  by  an  act 
signed  by  President  Cleveland  November  3,  1893,  and  its  harsher  features 
became  a  dead  letter. 

Another  question  which  acquired  prominence  in  politics  later  came 
up  when  President  Hanison,  on  Februar>'  15,  1893,  sent  to  the  Senate  a 
treaty  concluded  a  day  earlier,  annexing  Hawaii  to  the  United  States. 
A  month  earlier  than  that,  or  on  January  17,  a  bloodless  revolution  had 
taken  place  in  Honolulu,  by  which  the  Queen  was  deposed  and  a 
republic  established  under  a  provisional  Government,  which  asked  for 
annexation  by  the  United  States. 

The  treaty  sent  to  the  Senate  for  ratification  provided  for  annexa- 
tion, for  the  assumption  by  the  United  States  of  the  Hawaiian  debt  to 
the  limit  of  $3,250,000,  and  for   the  payment  of   $20,000  a  year  to  the 


Republican 
Defeat  in  1890. 


Anti-Chinese 
Legislation. 


The  Hawaiian 
Matter. 


65 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


Convention 

1892. 


of 


The 

Silver  " Plank'' 

of   1892. 


The 

Tariff  "Plank' 

of  1892. 


dethroned  Queen  Lilioukalani,  and  $150,000  in  a  gross  sum  to  the 
Princess  Kaiulani.  The  Senate  had  not  acted  on  the  treaty  when  the 
presidential  and  congressional  term  ended,  Sixteen  days  later,  and  it  was 
withdrawn  by  President  Cleveland  March  9,  1893,  five  days  after  his 
inauguration. 

The  Hawaiian  matter  was  among  the  last  of  the  important  questions 
which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  Harrison  administration.  In  the 
canvass  of  1892  the  Republican  party  was  overthrown  and  the  Dem- 
ocracy installed  in  power.  The  campaign  of  that  year  was  opened  by 
the  Republican  National  Convention  at  Minneapolis,  which  met  on  June 
7,  two  weeks  before  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Chicago,  which  nom- 
inated ex -President  Cleveland.  The  contest  over  the  McKinley  act  at 
the  time  of  its  passage,  in  1890,  and  the  Democratic  attacks  upon  it 
afterward  made  the  tariff  the  great  issue  of  1892,  and  the  doctrine  of 
protection  as  exemplified  in  that  law  and  the  reciprocity  policy  which  it 
established  received  sanction  in  the  Republican  platform.  The  restora- 
tion of  the  mercantile  marine  by  home -built  ships,  the  strengthening  of 
the  navy,  the  restriction  of  criminal  and  ])auper  immigration,  the  main- 
tenance of  civil  service  reform,  and  the  control  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal 
by  the  United  States  Government,  also  in  the  platform,  found  emphatic 
indorsement. 

This  is  the  silver  utterance  of  the  platform  of  1892  :  "  The  Ameri- 
can people,  from  tradition  and  interest,  favor  bimetallism,  and  the 
Republican  party  demands  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  standard 
money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under  such  provisions,  to  be  deter- 
mined by  legislation,  as  will  secure  the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  values 
of  the  two  metals,  so  that  the  purchasing  and  debt -paying  power  of  the 
dollar,  whether  of  silver,  gold  or  paper,  shall  be  at  all  times  equal.  The 
interests  of  the  producers  of  the  countr>',  its  farmers  and  its  working- 
men,  demand  that  every  dollar,  paper  or  coin,  issued  by  the  Government, 
shall  be  as  good  as  any  other.  We  commend  the  wise  and  patriotic  steps 
already  taken  by  our  Government  to  secure  an  international  conference 
to  adopt  such  measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value  between  gold  and 
silver  for  use  as  money  throughout  the  world." 

This  is  the  tariff  "plank"  of  the  platform  of  1892:  "We  reaffirm 
the  American  doctrine  of  protection.  We  call  attention  to  its  growth 
abroad.  We  maintain  that  the  prosperous  condition  of  our  country  is 
largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue  legislation  of  the  Republican  Congre.ss. 
We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  produced  in  the  United 
States,  except  luxuries,  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all 
imports  coming  in  competition  with  the  products  of  American  labor  there 
should  be  levied  duties  equal  to  the  difference  betv.'een  wages  abroad  and 
at  home.  We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of  general 
consumption  have  been  reduced  under  the  operations  of  the  tariff  act  of 
1890.  We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  majority  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  destroy  our  tariff  laws  piecemeal,  as  is  manifested 


66 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


by  their  attacks  upon  wool,  lead  and  lead  ores,  the  chief  products  of  a 
number  of  States,  and  we  ask  the  people  for  their  judgment  thereon. 
We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican  policy  of  reciprocity,  under 
which  our  export  trade  has  vastly  increased,  and  new  and  enlarged 
markets  have  been  opened  for  the  products  of  our  farms  and  workshops. 
We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
this  practical  business  measure,  and  claim  that,i  executed  by  a  Republi- 
can Administration,  our  present  laws  will  eventually  give  us  control  of 
the  trade  of  the  world." 

President  Harrison  and  ex-Secretarj^  Blaine,  who  resigned  his  post 
as  head  of  the  State  Department  shortly  before  that  time,  were  the  only 
men  prominently  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  candidacy,  although 
William  McKinley,  who  was  not  an  aspirant,  received  many  votes  in  the 
Convention.  The  President  was  renominated  on  the  first  ballot,  by  a 
vote  of  535  1-6,  as  compared  with  182  5-6  for  Blaine  and  182  for 
McKinley,  with  a  few  scattering  votes.  Whitelaw  Reid  was  nominated 
for  Vice-President. 

It  was  easy  to  see  before  the  campaign  was  under  way  a  month  that 
the  tide  was  in  favor  of  the  Democrats.  The  influences  which  turned  the 
scale  against  the  Republicans  in  the  congressional  elections  of  1890  were 
still  strongly  in  operation.  For  the  first  time  in  a  presidential  campaign 
in  its  entire  career  the  Republican  party  lacked  vigor  and  enthusiasm. 
It  was  not  despondent.  The  party's  discipline,  cohesiveness  and  esprit 
de  corps  warded  off  everj^thing  like  despair  or  panic.  It  was  simply,  in 
the  phrase  of  the  day,  "apathetic."  Its  processions  and  other  spectac- 
ular demonstrations  were  tame,  its  mass  meetings  were  .spiritless,  its 
"spell -binders"  in  the  press  and  on  the  stump  had  lost  their  magic. 
The  defeat  which  it  saw  to  be  inevitable  it  met  with  the  stoicism 
attributed  to  the  Indian  brave  walking  to  the  stake. 

The  party  needed  all  its  steadiness  and  courage,  for  its  defeat  was 
the  most  extended  and  overwhelming  sustained  by  any  party  in  a  presi- 
dential canvass  since  the  war  days,  except  by  the  Democracy  in  1872. 
It  carried  only  fifteen  out  of  the  forty -four  States,  although  it  received 
one  or  more  electoral  votes  in  a  few  others. 

Not  only  did  it  lose  the  four  Northern  "doubtful  States"  of  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Connecticut  and  Indiana,  but  Colorado,  Kansas  and 
Nevada,  hitherto  Republican  since  their  creation  (except  Nevada  in 
1880),  went  against  them,  with  the  new  State  of  Idaho,  also  in  the 
Republican  region.  The  four  last  named  States  went  to  the  Populists, 
partly  through  a  fusion  by  them  with  the  Democrats.  They  lost  Illinois, 
also,  which  had  been  Republican  in  presidential  elections  from  1860 
onward,  and  Wisconsin,  which  had  stuck  to  them  from  the  foundation 
of  the  party,  while  their  plurality  in  the  pioneer  Republican  State  of 
Ohio  was  cut  so  low  (it  was  only  1072)  that  they  lost  one  of  its  twenty- 
three  electors.  The  Republicans  won  only  nine  out  of  Michigan's 
fourteen  electoral  votes  (that  State  voted  by  districts  in  that  year),  one 


Harrison 
Renominated. 


Republican 

"Apathy." 


Sweeping    Re- 
publican 
Defeat. 


Old  Republi- 
can States 
Lost. 


67 


Big  Majority. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

out  of  California's  nine,  and  one  out  of  North  Dakota's  three.     The 
rest  of  Michigan's  and  California's  electors  went  to  the  Democrats,  and 
the  Democrats  carried  one  and  the  Populists  the  other  of  the  two  other 
votes  of  North  Dakota. 
Cleveland's  Aside  from  the  votes  they  gained  in  California  and  North  Dakota, 

the  Democrats  carried  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Connecticut,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Wisconsin  and  the  sixteen  ex -slave  States.  Harrison's  electoral 
vote  was  145,  and  his  popular  vote  5,175,202,  while  Cleveland's  were 
respectively  277  and  5,554,226.  Weaver,  the  Populist  candidate, 
received  22  electoral  votes  and  1,042,631  popular  votes.  Bidwell,  the 
Prohibition  candidate,  had  262,799  votes. 

In  that  hour  of  overwhelming  Republican  defeat  and  Democratic 
triumph,  there  was  no  man  astute  enough  to  foresee  that  the  conditions  as 
between  the  two  parties  would  be  swiftly  and  completely  reversed  in  the 
closely  approaching  years. 

68 


Senator  Shelby  M.  Cillom,  of  Illinois. 


-'J  J, 'M    1 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Events  of  Cleveland's  Second  Term. 


March  4,  1893,  when  President  Cleveland's  second  inauguration  uem^rats  in 
took  place,  the  Democratic  party  found  itself  in  complete  control  of  the  control. 
Government  for  the  first  time  since  the  end  of  the  Congress  of  1857-59. 
That  Congress  covered  the  first  half  of  President  Buchanan's  term.  In 
the  second  half  of  the  term  the  Republicans  had  a  plurality  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  elected  the  Speaker  by  the  aid  of  a  few  Know- 
nothing,  or  American  votes.  Throughout  all  o*  President  Cleveland's 
first  term  the  Senate  was  in  Republican  hands. 

On  March  4,  1893,  the  conditions  seemed  as  favorable  to  a  long  '^^Qu^ckS?"* 
period  of  Democratic  supremacy  as  they  appeared  four  years  before  to 
be  to  an  extended  period  of  Republican  swaj'.  In  the  later,  however, 
as  in  the  earlier  instance,  disaster  came  quickly.  The  principal  causes 
of  the  series  of  Democratic  reverses  in  the  next  four  years  were  the 
panic  of  1893,  the  assault  on  the  tariff  in  1894,  and  the  deadlock  betvveen 
Senate  and  House  on  that  question  which  resulted  in  the  "party  perfidy 
and  party  dishonor"  letter  of  the  President  to  W.  L.  Wilson,  Chairman 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  all  of  which  will  be  mentioned  later 
in  this  chapter. 

Panics,  irrespective  of  their  causes,  always  hit  the  party  which  is  in 
power  when  they  occur.  There  is  dynamite  in  radical  tariff  changes 
either  upward  or  downward  when  two  great  and  alert  parties  taking 
opposite  sides  on  this  question  are  in  existence. 

The  Administration  was  equally  unfortunate  in  its  foreign  policy,  ^^^Questufn**" 
particularly  in  the  Hawaiian  question.  The  Hawaiian  annexation  treaty, 
mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter,  which  had  been  sent  to  the  Senate  by 
President  Harrison  shortly  before  his  retirement  in  1893,  was  with- 
drawn from  that  body  on  March  9,  1893,  by  President  Cleveland,  and 
ex -Congressman  James  H.  Blount  was  sent  to  the  islands  as  a  special 
Commissioner,  having  paramount  authority  to  inquire  into  all  the 
relations  between  the  United  States  and  Hawaii. 

April  1,   1893,  as  a  result  of    Blount's  investigations,  and  by  his    FU™*Hauied 
direction,  the  American  flag,  which  had  been  flying  on  the  Government         Down, 
building  since  the  deposition  of  the  Queen  ten  weeks  earlier,  was  hauled 
down,   the  marines   were   withdrawn,   and  the   quasi -protectorate   was 
ended. 

This   created    some   dissatisfaction    in   the   United    States,    among       Attempt 
Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans.     A  far  greater  measure  of  popular    °   Queetf. 
disapproval,  however,  greeted  his  attempt  to  restore  the  Queen,  which 
would  mean  the  subversion  of   the  republic.     The  President,  thinking 
the   revolution   was   due   to   the    improper  influence  of    United   States 

69 


History  of  the  Republican  Party 


The  Cuban 
Question. 


The  Venezue- 
lan Matter. 


The  Panic  of 

1893. 


Congress 
Called. 


The  Sherman 
Law  Blamed. 


Minister  Stevens,  v^rho  v^^as  superseded  in  May,  1893,  by  Blount,  deemed 
it  the  duty  of  the  United  States  Government  to  disavow  and  undo  its 
share  of  the  work. 

An  attempt  was  made  through  Minister  Willis,  who  succeeded 
Blount,  to  induce  the  ex -Queen,  if  restored,  to  grant  pardon  to  the 
revolutionary  leaders,  and  to  induce  these  to  withdraw  and  accept  the 
old  regime.  In  both  particulars  the  endeavor  was  a  failure,  and  the 
republic,  under  President  Dole,  still  stands. 

The  restoration  attempt,  whether  the  suspicion  of  American 
co-operation  in  producing  the  revolution  was  just  or  unjust,  was  a 
serious  blunder,  and  was  among  the  influences  which  produced  the 
Republican  tidal  wave  in  the  congressibnal  elections  of  1894. 

The  Cuban  question  was  a  later  development.  A  considerable  ele- 
ment of  the  people  in  both  parties  deemed  the  Administration's  conduct 
in  the  Cuban  affair  nerveless,  and  this  feeling  contributed  to  the  Repub- 
lican majorities  in  the  State  elections  of  1895. 

A  still  later  issue  in  diplomacy  was  the  Venezuelan  question.  Here 
the  President  proposed  a  vigorous  foreign  policy.  It  attracted  those 
whom  his  Cuban  conduct  repelled,  and  vice  versa,  but  it  did  not  affect 
the  fortunes  of  the  Administration.  The  issue  was  forgotten  quickly 
and  therefore  could  hardly  change  many  votes. 

These  were  the  chief  questions  of  foreign  policy  during  the  second 
Cleveland  Administration.  The  great  issues  of  domestic  policy  will 
now  be  treated. 

Soon  after  his  entrance  into  office  in  1893,  President  Cleveland  was 
confronted  with  a  crisis  similar  to  that  which  met  President  Van  Buren 
on  his  accession  to  power  in  1837.  In  April,  1893,  for  the  first  time 
since  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  on  January  1,  1879,  the  net 
gold  in  the  Treasury  dropped  below  the  $100,000,000  line;  during  the 
five  months  of  1893  ending  with  May,  the  net  gold  exportation  from  the 
country  was  $61,000,000,  and  the  outward  stream  still  continued. 
Alarm  seized  the  people;  "runs"  were  made  on  banks  in  many  cities; 
many  banks  suspended  or  collapsed ;  great  business  houses  went  down 
in  several  cities,  carrying  with  them  numerous  smaller  concerns  in  every 
State ;  mills  and  factories  suspended  or  closed ;  wages  were  reduced  on 
all  hands,  and  a  panic  was  "on." 

Appeals  from  business  men  all  over  the  country  were  made  to 
Cleveland,  as  in  the  earlier  instance  were  made  to  Van  Buren,  to  call 
Congress  in  extra  session  to  provide  a  remedy  for  the  national  ills.  On 
June  30,  the  President  issued  the  call,  and  on  August  7  it  met  in  extra 
session. 

"I  believe  these  things  are  principally  chargeable  to  Congressional 
legislation  touching  the  purchase  and  coinage  of  silver  by  the  General 
Government,"  said  the  President  in  his  message  to  Congress  at  the 
opening  of  the  session,  referring  to  the  business  calamities  which  were 
under  way.     "This  legislation  is  embodied  in  a  statute  passed  on  the 


70 


History  of  thp:  Republican  Party. 


14th  day  of  July,  1890,  which  was  the  culmination  of  much  agitation  on 
the  subject  involved,  and  which  may  be  considered  a  truce,  after  a  long 
struggle,  between  the  advocates  of  free  silver  coinage  and  those  intending 
to  be  more  conservative." 

These  references  to  the  "truce"  and  to  "those  intending  to  be  more 
conservativ^e"  were  complimentary  to  the  anti-free  coinage  Republicans 
who  had  passed  the  law,  and  whose  votes  for  its  repeal  would  have  to 
be  gained  if  it  was  to  be  removed  from  the  statute  book.  The  Repub- 
licans believed  that  the  silver  law  was  only  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
panic.  They  thought  and  said  that  the  Democratic  victory  in  1892  on  a 
platform  which  pledged  the  party  to  assail  the  tariff,  was  the  principal 
cause  of  the  convulsion.  Nevertheless  they  (except  the  small  silver 
faction)  worked  earnestly  and  effectively  for  its  repeal. 

On  August  28,  1893,  the  Wilson  bill,  so-called  from  W.  L.  Wilson 
of  West  Virginia,  who  introduced  it,  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives by  a  vote  of  239  (138  Democrats  and  101  Republicans)  to  109  (76 
Democrats,  24  Republicans  and  9  Populists). 

Previous  to  the  passage  of  the  Wilson  bill,  attempts  were  made  by 
the  silver  pien  to  pass  a  free  coinage  bill  at  any  one  of  the  ratios  between 
16  to  1  and  20  to  1,  but  all  were  defeated  by  decisive  majorities.  Then 
the  silverites  endeavored  to  revive  the  Bland  law  of  1878,  but  this 
proposition  was  voted  down  by  213  (llO  Republicans  and  103  Demo- 
crats) to  136  (112  Democrats,  15  Republicans  and  9  Populists).  Repub- 
lican votes  here  saved  the  country  from  the  re-enactment  of  the  Bland 
law. 

The  Wilson  bill  repealed  the  purchase  clause  of  the  Sherman  law, 
but  left  unimpaired  the  legal  tender  quality  of  the  standard  silver  dollars 
already  coined,  and  the  pledge  to  maintain  the  parity  of  all  coins. 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  W.  Bourke  Cockran  and  W.  L.  Wilson  made  the 
most  notable  speeches  on  the  repeal  side  heard  in  the  House,  while 
R.  P.  Bland  and  W.  J.  Bryan  delivered  the  best  speeches  made  in 
behalf  of  silver. 

The  boast  of  Senator  Jones,  of  Nevada,  and  of  other  silver  men, 
that  they  would  "tie  up  the  Senate,"  and  obstruct  all  anti- silver 
legislation,  was  made  good  for  several  months.  On  October  30,  how- 
ever, a  repeal  bill  passed  that  body  by  a  vote  of  43  (23  Republicans  and 
20  Democrats)  to  32  '  19  Democrats,  8  Republicans  and  5  Populists). 

This  measure  was  different  in  a  few  unimportant  particulars  from  the 
one  which  passed  the  House.  The  House  on  November  1,  1893, 
accepted  the  substitute,  which  then  went  to  the  President,  who  signed 
it  on  the  same  day,  and  silver  absorption  by  the  Government,  which  had 
been  under  way  since  Februar>'  28,  1878,  ceased. 

Before  the  Sherman  law  repeal  bill  had  passed  the  Senate,  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  started  to  frame  a  bill  which  was  to 
supersede  another  law  of  1890.  This  was  the  Wilson  tariff  bill,  which 
was  to  replace  the  McKinley  act.     The  name  of  the  bill  was  "an  act  to 


Repeal  Bill 

Passed  in  the 

House. 


Narrow  Escape 

from  the 

Bland  Law. 


The  Senate 
Passes  the  Re- 
peal Bill. 


Silver  Absorp- 
tion Ended. 


The  Wilson 

Tariff  Bill 

Framed. 


71 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 

reduce  taxation,  to  provide  revenue  for  the  Government,  and  for  other 
purposes." 

December  19,   1893,  W.   L.  Wilson,  Chairman  of   the  Committee, 

reported  the  bill  to  the   House.     February  1,  1894,  an  internal  revenue 

The  House     feature,  including  an  income  tax,  was  incorporated  in  the  bill  by  a  vote 

Passes  the  Bill.  '^  \ 

of  182  (166  Democrats,  10  Populists  and  6  Republicans)  to  48  (45  Dem- 
ocrats and  3  Republicans),  122  members  (116  Republicans,  5  Democrats 
and  1  Populist)  not  voting.  The  entire  bill  then  passed  the  House  by  a 
vote  of  204  (194  Democrats  and  10  Populists)  to  140  (125  Republicans 
and  15  Democrats). 

The  Senate  March  20,  1894,  the  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  by  the  Finance 

634^Amend-  Committee  with  many  amendments,  and,  634  amendments  having  been 
attached  to  it  by  this  time,  it  passed  the  Senate  July  2  bj'  a  vote  of  39 
(37  Democrats  and  2  Populists)  to  34  (31  Republicans,  2  Populists  and 
1  Democrat).  The  solitary  Democratic  Senator  who  voted  against  the 
measure  was  David  B.  Hill.  His  chief  reason  for  doing  this  was  his 
hostility  to  the  income  tax  feature. 
Deadlock  Be-  A  deadlock  between  House  and  Senate  then  ensued  which  was  one 

aifdsenate.^  of  the  longcst  and  most  exciting  that  ever  occurred  on  a  tari^ff  measure 
when  both  branches  belonged  to  the  same  party.  The  Senate's  changes 
in  the  bill  were  almost  wholly  in  the  direction  of  greater  protection. 
Several  raw  materials  which  the  bill  as  it  came  from  the  House  placed 
on  the  free  list  the  Senate  put  back  on  the  dutiable  schedules.  The 
principal  reason  assigned  for  the  changes  was  that  the  House  bill 
would  not  provide  enough  revenue. 
The  Contest  on  Sugar,  wliich  was  ou  the  free  list  in  the  bill  when  it  went  to  the 

Senate,  and  on  which  that  body  placed  a  duty,  pro\oked  the  bitterest 
contest.  Charges  were  made  that  this  change  was  a  bonus  to  the  Sugar 
Trust,  in  payment  for  a  campaign  contribution  by  the  Trust  to  the 
Democracy,  and  there  were  accusations  that  the  Trust  had  attempted  to 
bribe  certain  Senators  to  vote  for  the  duties.  A  committee  investigated 
these  charges,  but  the  inquiry  amounted  to  nothing. 

Angered  by  the  conduct  of  the  Democrats  of  the  Senate  in  refusing 
to  permit  as  much  tariff  reduction  as  the  House  Democrats  thought  their 
party  was  pledged  by  its  platform  of  1892  to  furnish,  the  latter  accused 
their  Senate  colleagues  of  treachery  to  Democratic  principles.  The 
Senate,  however,  was  obdurate,  and  the  Conference  Committee,  after 
several  meetings,  failed  to  reach  an  agreement. 

Cleveland's  July  19,  1894,  Seventeen  days  after  the  Senate  passed  the  bill  with 

its  634  amendments,  a  letter  from  the  President  to  Chairman  W.  L. 
Wilson  of  the  Waj's  and  Means  Committee,  attacking  the  Senate 
Democrats  who  were  responsible  for  the  changes,  was  read  in  the  House. 
The  President  appealed  to  Wilson  to  insist  on  "party  honesty  and  good 
faith  and  a  sturdy  adherence  to  Democratic  principles,"  which  was  an 
injunction  not  to  accept  the  Senate  amendments.  "Ever>' true  Demo- 
crat." he  said,  "and  every  sincere  tariff  reformer  knows  that  this  bill  in 

72 


Sugar. 


Bombshell. 


Senator  William  J.  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey. 


/%.  i  j/<  \*i\  *  ']  ?    .\  ,'•'-,   ,'•' 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


its  present  form  [that  is,  in  the  form  in  which  the  Senate  put  it]  *  *  *  * 
falls  far  short  of  the  consummation  for  which  we  have  long  labored,  for 
which  we  have  suffered  defeat  without  discouragement,  which,  in  its 
anticipation,  gave  us  a  rallying  cry  in  our  day  of  triumph,  and  which, 
in  its  promise  of  accomplishment,  is  so  interwoven  with  Democratic 
pledges  and  Democratic  success,  that  our  abandonment  of  the  cause  or  the 
principles  upon  which  it  rests  means  partj-^  perfidy  and  part>'  dishonor. '  * 

This  was  a  bombshell  in  the  Senate  Democratic  camp.  Senator 
Gorman,  who  took  the  leading  part  in  changing  the  bill,  and  who  was 
the  Democrat  most  directly  assailed,  characterized,  in  a  speech  in  the 
Senate,  the  President  s  letter  as  "the  most  extraordinar>',  the  most 
uncalled  for,  and  the  most  unwise  communication  that  was  ever  penned 
by  a  President  of  the  United  States. ' '  The  Senator  said  the  changes 
were  made  for  the  purpose  of  securing  enough  votes  in  the  Senate  to 
pass  the  bill,  and  declared  that  Secretary  Carlisle  was  consulted  as  to 
every  detail  and  approved  it,  and  that  every  important  amendment  before 
it  was  attached  to  the  bill  was  well  known  to  the  President. 

At  last,  on  August  13,  six  weeks  after  the  bill's  passage  by  the 
Senate,  the  long  struggle  ended  by  the  capitulation  of  the  House.  The 
House  accepted  the  bill  as  it  came  from  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  182 
(174  Democrats  and  8  Populists)  to  106  (93  Republicans  and  13  Demo- 
crats), and  it  was  senfto  the  President. 

The  House  then  passed  four  separate  bills — the  "popgun  bills" — 
putting  sugar,  coal,  barbed  wire  and  iron  ore  on  the  free  list,  but  they 
failed  in  the  Senate. 

Meanwhile  the  President  was  placed  in  a  serious  dilemma  by  the 
passage  of  the  bill.  He  could  not  consistently  sign  a  bill  which  he  had 
denounced  as  meaning  "party  perfidy  and  party  dishonor,"  while  a  veto 
would  leave  in  operation  the  McKinley  act,  which  he  was  committed 
against  by  the  platform  on  which  he  was  nominated,  by  his  letter  of 
acceptance  and  by  subsequent  utterances.  He  neither  signed  nor  vetoed 
the  bill,  and  it  became  a  law  at  the  expiration  of  the  ten  day  limit  on 
August  27,  1894. 

The  Wilson  -  Gorman  law  reduced  many  duties,  put  several  articles, 
including  wool,  on  the  free  list,  and  took  raw  sugar  from  the  free  list, 
where  it  was  placed  by  the  McKinley  act  of  1890,  fixing  a  duty  of  40  per 
cent  ad  valorem  upon  all  grades ;  a  differential  of  an  eighth  of  a  cent 
extra  on  refined  sugar,  and  added  a  tenth  of  a  cent  to  sugars  from  coun- 
tries paying  an  export  bounty.  The  law  discontinued  the  bounty  to  the 
domestic  producers.  It  also  contained  an  income  tax  provision,  which 
was  declared  unconstitutional  in  1895  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  other  great  measures  of  the  first  half  of  the  second  Cleveland 
Administration  were  the  passage  of  the  silver  seigniorage  bill,  subse- 
quently vetoed,  and  the  repeal  of  the  Federal  election  laws.  The 
former  passed  the  House  March  1,  1894,  by  a  vote  of  168  (136  Demo- 
crats, 22  Republicans  and  10  Populists)  to  129  (80  Republicans  and  49 


Party  Perfidy 
and  Party 
Dishonor." 


Senator  Gor- 
man Replies. 


The  House 
Surrenders. 


The  "Popgun 
Bills." 


The    Wilson- 
Gorman  Bill 
Neither  Sijmed 
Nor  Vetoed. 


Character  of 

the  Wilson- 
Gorman  Law. 


Silver 

Seitniioragv 

Passed 


73 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


The 
Seigniorage 
Bill  Vetoed. 


Bond  Sales. 


"Free  Ballot 

and 
Fair   Count." 


The  "Force 
Bill." 


Democrats),  and  went  through  the  Senate  March  7th  by  44  (30  Demo- 
crats, 10  Republicans  and  4  Populists)  to  31  (23  Republicans  and  8 
Democrats).  It  provided  for  the  coinage  of  $55,156,681  in  silver  dollars, 
which  was  the  assumed  profit  made  by  the  Government  on  the  purchases 
of  silver  bullion  under  the  law  of  1890,  the  Sherman  act.  This  is  what 
ex  -  Congressman  and  ex -Mayor  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  of  New  York,  called 
"coining  a  vacuum." 

A  strong  veto  message,  one  that  compared  favorably  with  Grant's 
against  the  inflation  bill  in  1874  and  with  Hayes'  against  the  Bland  bill 
in  1878,  was  sent  by  the  President,  and,  like  Grant's  negative,  it  pre- 
vailed. The  attempt  to  pass  the  bill  over  the  veto  failed,  and  the 
seigniorage  coinage  project  was  dead. 

A  few  weeks  before  the  President  vetoed  the  seigniorage  bill  the 
first  of  the  bond  sales  which  have  been  frequent  during  this  period,  and 
which  have  been  one  of  the  influences  that  have  operated  against  the 
Democracy  in  the  elections,  took  place.  This  was  a  sale  on  February  1, 
1894,  of  $50,000,000  ten  years  5  per  cent  bonds.  In  November  of  that 
year  a  sale  of  a  like  amount  at  the  same  rate  of  interest  was  made.  In 
February, '1895,  $62,000,000,  4  per  cent  bonds,  to  run  thirtj'  years,  were 
sold,  and  in  February,  1896,  $100,000,000  at  the  same  rate  and  for  the 
same  time  were  disposed  of.  These  sales  were  to  protect  the  Treasury 
gold  reserve,  and  were  made  under  the  authority  of  the  resumption  law 
of  1875.  The  Republicans  attributed  the  shrinkage  in  the  reserve  to 
the  deficit  in  the  revenues,  while  the  President  and  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  ascribed  it  to  the  "endless  chain"  formed  by  the  act  of  May 
31,  1878,  which  compels  the  reissue  of  the  legal  tender  notes  after  they 
reach  the  Treasur3^ 

A  measure  of  legislation  will  now  be  mentioned  which  forms  an 
epoch  in  the  country's  histor>^  and  which  will  have  a  profound  influence 
on  the  fortunes  of  the  Republican  party.  This  is  the  repeal  of  the 
federal  election  laws. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1892  demanded  in  its  plat- 
form that  "every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be  allowed  to  cast 
one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot  in  all  public  elections,  and  that  such  ballot 
shall  be  returned  and  counted  as  cast ;  that  such  laws  shall  be  enacted 
and  enforced  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen  *  *  *  this  sovereign 
right  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,"  and  declared  that  "the  party  will 
never  relax  its  efforts  until  the  integrity  of  the  ballot  and  the  purity  of 
elections  shall  be  fully  guaranteed  and  protected  in  every  State." 

This  utterance  called  out  the  response  in  the  Democratic  platform 
framed  two  weeks  later  that  "the  Republican  party  has  defiantly  declared 
in  its  latest  authoritative  utterance  that  its  success  in  the  coming  election 
[that  of  1892],  will  mean  the  enactment  of  the  'force  bill'  and  the 
usurpation  of  despotic  control  over  elections  in  all  the  States."  The 
same  platform  pledged  the  Democratic  party,  if  it  were  intrusted  with 
power,  to  defeat  the  "force  bill." 


74 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 
No  "force  bill"  had  any  chance  of  passage  after  the  election  of 


The  Federal 
1892,  for  the  Democrats  then  came  into  complete  control  of  all  branches        Election 

of  the  Government.  The  pledge  of  their  platform,  however,  was  made 
good  by  the  repeal  of  the  election  laws  which  the  "force  bill'^  was 
designed  to  supplement.  These  laws  were  part  of  the  general  recon- 
struction policy  of  the  half  a  dozen  years  immediately  succeeding  the 
war,  and  were  passed  in  1870,  1871  and  1872.  They  operated  all  over 
the  countrjs  but  were  primarily  designed  to  protect  the  negroes  in  the 
Southern  States. 

October  10,   1894,   a  bill  to  "repeal  all  statutes  relating  to  super-   xhe  Laws  Re- 
visors  of  elections  and  deputy  marshals,  and  for  other  purposes"  passed         peaied. 
the  House  by  a  vote  of  201  (194  Democrats  and  7  Populists)  to  102  (all 
Republicans),   and  it  passed  the  Senate  February  7,  1894,  by  39  (36 
Democrats  and  3  Populists)  to  28  (all  Republicans).     It  was  approved 
b}^  the  President  on  February  12. 

This  ended   "force-billism."      The  object  of  the  federal  election        End  of 

the  Repression 

laws  was  good,  but  the  laws  failed  to  meet  the  expectations  of  their  Policy, 
franiers.  After  the  removal  of  the  troops  from  the  South  they  became  a 
dead  letter  in  nearly  every  State  below  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio.  The 
existence  of  these  laws  was  a  constant  irritation,  and  the  attempt  to 
strengthen  them  by  new  legislation  was  an  ever  present  menace  which 
made  the  Republican  party  an  alien  organization  throughout  that  region, 
and  made  and  kept  the  South  solidly  Democratic.  The  repeal  of  the 
federal  election  laws  removed  the  specter  of  "negro  domination," 
relaxed  the  pressure  which  held  differences  of  views  on  economic 
questions  in  imperative  subjection  to  the  one  over -mastering  issue,  and 
permitted  the  South  to  divide  like  the  rest  of  the  country  on  the  living 
questions  of  the  day. 

Nine  months  after  the  federal  election  laws  were  stricken  from  the      sweeping 

,,._-^,  ^iT^i-i-  -I  Republican 

national  statute  book  m   Februar\%    1894,   the    Republicans  gained  an     victories  in 

is^. 
ovenvhelming  victory  in  the  Congressional  and  State  canvasses.     In  the 

House  of  Representatives  elected  in  1892  the  Democrats  had  a  plurality 

of  92  over  the  Republicans,  while  in  that  chosen  in  1894  the  Republicans 

gained  a  lead  of  140  over  the  Democrats.     The  partisan  pendulum  never 

swung  so  fast  and  so  far  in  any  previous  election. 

In  the  sixteen  States  which  are  popularly  designated  the  South  for     Republicans 

*     '  .  ,  .     ,        in    the    South. 

partisan  purposes,  the  Republicans  elected  thirty -two  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  1894,  as  against  fourteen  members  chosen 
by  the  Democrats  in  the  twenty -eight  other  States.  Usually  the  pre- 
ponderance in  this  method  of  comparison  is  overwhelmingly  on  the. 
Democratic  side.  In  the  canvass  of  1892,  while  the  federal  election 
laws  were  still  on  the  statute  book,  and  when  the  Republicans  were 
pledged  to  supplement  and  strengthen  them  if  successful  in  the  cam- 
paign, the  Republicans  elected  only  seven  Congressmen  in  the  South,  or 
less  than  a  fourth  of  the  number  they  chose  in  1894.  The  great  increase 
in  the  latter  year  is  significant. 

75 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


Republican 
Victories 
in  State  Elec- 
tions. 


Southern  Re- 
publican 
Governors. 


New  Epoch 

in  the 

Party's  Career. 


Southern  Re- 
publican 
Leaders. 


The  Republi- 
can Future 
Britrht 
With  Promise. 


At  the  beginning  of  1894  the  Republicans  had  sixteen  Governors  of 
States  out  of  the  forty -four,  the  Democrats  twenty -five  and  the  Populists 
three.  At  the  beginning  of  1896,  out  of  the  forty-five  Governors, 
including  Utah's,  the  Republicans  had  twenty -six,  the  Democrats  seven- 
teen and  the  Populists  two.  This,  in  a  general  way,  marks  the  extent 
of  the  Republican  gains  in  the  State  elections  of  1894  and  1895. 

Three  of  the  Governors  chosen  in  recent  elections  in  Southern 
States — those  of  Delaware,  Maryland  and  Kentucky — have  been  Repub- 
licans. In  Missouri  the  Republicans  chose  minor  State  officers  in  1894 
and  two -thirds  of  the  members  of  the  popular  branch  of  Congress, 
while  they  gained  the  solid  Congressional  delegation  of  West  Virginia 
that  year. 

Thus  the  Republican  party  has  entered  on  a  new  epoch  in  its 
career.  Some  of  the  older  leaders,  as  Sherman,  Morrill,  Hoar,  Hawley 
and  Allison,  are  still  at  work,  but  the  moulding  of  its  policy  and  the 
active  direction  of  its  affairs  have  fallen  into  younger  hands.  A  newer 
generation  of  chieftains,  among  whom  are  McKinley,  Reed,  Lodge, 
Dingley,  Burrows,  Aldrich,  Davis  and  Thurston,  are  at  the  front. 

In  the  South  the  Republican  party  has  many  able,  forceful  and 
active  leaders,  conspicuous  among  whom  are  Gov.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky; 
Gov.  Lowndes,  of  Maryland,  and  H.  Clay  Evans,  of  Tennessee.  All  of 
these  are  of  the  highest  standing  in  the  community ;  none  of  them  were 
identified  with  the  old  car]-)etbag  element. 

The  Southern  States  promise  to  be  the  great  recruiting  ground  of 
the  party  in  the  future.  The  forces  and  influences  which  made  and 
which  kept  the  Republican  party  sectional  are  dead,  and  it  must  hence- 
forth be  a  national  organization.  From  the  outset  it  has  controlled  most 
of  the  States  of  the  North  and  West;  the  probabilities  point  to  its 
ascendancy  in  the  future  in  many  of  the  States  of  the  South.  If  the 
Republican  party  is  true  to  its  best  traditions  and  intelligently  alive  to 
its  opportunities,  the  coming  years  may  have  in  store  for  it  grander 
conquests  than  any  which  it  achieved  in  the  past. 


76 


Representative  Charles  H.  Grosvenor,  of  Ohio. 


HISTORY   OF 

Sectionalism  in  Politics. 


THE  question  is  often  asked,  "Why  did  the  Republican  party,  which 
never  received  an  electoral  vote  in  the  South  except  during  the 
artificial  and  abnormal  conditions  of  the  war  and  reconstruction 
era,  hold  its  National  Convention  in  1896  in  the  principal  city  of  the 
Southern  States?"* 

The  inquiry  is  invested  with  additional  interest  by  the  circumstance 
that  a  feature  of  national  canvasses,  familiar  to  the  present  and  the 
preceding  generation  of  voters,  has  suddenly  and  completely  disappeared. 
This  is  the  sectional  spirit  in  politics. 

No  complaint  was  heard  in  any  of  the  Republican  conventions  in 
the  Northern  States  which  chose  delegates  to  the  St.  Louis  assemblage 
of  1896  that  any  race  was  being  deprived  of  its  political  rights;  there 
was  no  demand  by  the  party  anywhere  for  the  revival  of  the  Federal 
election  laws  which  the  Republicans  placed  upon  the  national  statute 
book  in  1870  and  1871,  which  they  often  tried  to  strengthen  afterward, 
and  which  the  Democrats  repealed  in  1894.  There  was  scarcely  an 
expression  or  a  hint  in  the  proceedings  of  any  Republican  gathering  in 
1896  to  indicate  that  such  a  thing  as  a  geographical  line  in  partisanship 
was  in  existence  until  3'esterday. 

Sectionalism  in  politics  did  not  begin  with  the  creation  of  the 
Republican  party,  although  the  appearance  of  the  part}'  gave  it  an 
intensity  and  a  rigidit}^  unknown  before  that  time.  It  was  shown  in  the 
Convention  of  1787,  which  framed  the  Constitution;  it  revealed  itself  in 
the  Missouri  admission  discussion  of  1819-21,  in  the  middle  of  the 
period  of  treacherous  surface  calm  called  the  "era  of  good  feeling;"  it 
was  shown  in  the  Democratic  Convention  of  1844,  which  defeated  Van 
Buren  for  the  presidency,  and  then  and  there  helped  to  sow  the  wind 
out  of  which  grew  the  whirlwind  of  the  Charleston  Convention  sixteen 
years  later;  it  caused  the  war  with  Mexico  in  1846-48,  and  the  contest 
against  the  admission  of  California  that  forced  the  compromise  of  1850 ; 
it  cut  off  the  Southern  section  from  the  Whig  party  in  1852,  and  prepared 
the  way  for  the  party's  destruction  through  the  Kansas -Nebraska  act  of 
1854 ;  it  erected  what  was  virtually  a  geographical  line  in  the  vote  on 
Banks  for  the  speakership  and  Buchanan  for  the  presidency  in  1856,  a 

•Missouri  is  here  placed  with  the  South,  but  this  division  is  for  political  convenience  only. 
Geogn'aphically,  industrially  and  socially  Missouri  belongs  to  the  West  instead  of  to  the  South.  The 
necessities,  or  assumed  necessities  of  the  situation — the  preservation  of  the  balance  in  the  Senate 
between  the  slave  and  free  States,  constrained  the  Southern  leaders  of  the  day  to  insist  that  Mis- 
souri should  come  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State.  Slavery  existed  in  Missouri  until  1S65,  though  it 
held  only  a  minor  place  amongthe  State's  interests,  and  every  other  State  west  of  the  Mississippi  in 
Missouri's  latitude  was  always  a  free  State.  Although  slavery  was  only  a  trifling  concern,  however, 
in  the  State  the  passions  and  prejudices  which  it  bred  arrayed  the  State,  after  the  close  of  the  recon- 
struction period,  with  the  rest  of  the  section  in  which  slavery  had  existed.  Thus,  in  the  phraseology 
of  the  day,  it  was  a  part  of  the  "  solid  South."  In  a  partisan  sense  it  became  known  as  a  Southern 
State,  and  this  classification  will  be  deferred  to  here. 


Why  St.  Louis 

Got  the 

Convention. 


The  End  of 
Sectionalism. 


The  "Negro 
Issue"   Dead. 


Many  Phases 
of  .Section- 
alism. 


77 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics. 


The  "Color 

Line"  in  the 

Constitutional 

Convention 

of  1787. 

Elliot's  "De- 
bates," Vol.  v., 
p.  460. 


in 


A  Slavery 
Compromise 
the  Consti- 
tution. 


Calhoun's 
Warning. 


line  which  was  made  sharper  and  clearer  in  the  canvass  of  1860 ;  it  split 
the  Democracy  in  that  year  and  excluded  it  from  the  presidency  for  a 
quarter  of  a  centurj' ;  it  caused  eleven  States  to  endeavor  to  get  out  of 
the  Union,  precipitated  the  war,  put  a  solid  South  and  a  solid  North  in 
politics,  and  kept  them  in  until  1895.  The  sectional  spirit  was  created 
by  slavery,  and  it  endured  for  a  third  of  a  centurj^  after  its  inciting  cause 
was  removed. 

"If  the  Convention  thinks  that  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia  will  ever  agree  to  the  plan  unless  their  right  to  import  slaves  be 
untouched  the  expectation  is  vain.  The  people  of  those  States  will  not 
be  such  fools  as  to  give  up  so  important  an  interest." 

This  was  a  warning  given  the  Northern  and  border  States  in  the 
Convention  of  1787,  which  framed  the  Constitution,  by  John  Rutledge, 
one  of  South  Carolina's  representatives  in  that  assemblage,  that  the 
three  States  named  would  not  enter  the  new  Union  unless  Congress 
should  be  forbidden  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  slaves  or  to  tax  it 
more  highly  than  other  imports. 

The  Convention  was  here  brought  to  a  standstill,  as  it  already  had 
been  on  the  question  of  the  representation  of  the  States  in  the  Senate 
and  on  that  of  the  control  of  Congress  over  commerce,  and  here  again  a 
compromise  was  entered  into.  Congress  was  forbidden  to  prohibit  the 
importation  of  slaves  prior  to  1808,  but  it  was  permitted  to  impose  a  tax 
upon  them,  though  not  to  exceed  $10  a  head. 

Rutledge 's  words  and  the  spirit  which  they  revealed  were  full  of 
evil  omen  for  the  country  in  the  coming  years.  The  question  of  slavery 
presented  itself  to  the  Constitutional  Convention,  of  course,  in  its  material 
aspects  chiefly.  In  only  two  of  the  Northern  States,  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire,  had  slavery  been  abolished  as  earl}'  as  1787.  Slavery 
was  seldom  spoken  of  in  the  Convention  on  its  moral  side.  Yet  the  con- 
test on  slave  importation  revealed  conflicting  prejudices  and  interests 
which  brought  untold  woes  to  the  nation  in  the  after  time. 

Shortl}'  before  his  death  in  1850  John  C.  Calhoun  wrote  to  a  member 
of  the  Alabama  Legislature  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  South  to  force  upon 
the  North  the  issue  of  the  preservation  of  slavery  in  the  Union.  ' '  We  are 
now  stronger,"  he  said,  "than  we  shall  be  hereafter,  politically  or  morally. 
Unless  we  bring  on  the  issue  delay  to  us  will  be  dangerous  indeed." 

This  was  true.  And  the  fact  that  it  was  true  was  of  evil  significance 
for  the  country.  Delay  was  perilous  to  the  political  power  of  the  South 
as  a  defender  of  slaverj'.  Relatively  to  the  North,  the  South  was  stronger 
in  1790,  at  the  time  of  the  first  national  census,  than  it  was  in  1820, 
when  the  Missouri  compromise  was  adopted ;  stronger  then  than  in  1850, 
when  another  readjustment  was  entered  into,  and  stronger  in  that  year 
than  in  1861,  when  the  war  began.  In  1790  the  population  of  the  free 
and  the  slaver^'  region  was  nearly  the  same,  or  about  1,900,000  for  each. 
In  1860  the  free  States  and  Territories  had  19,000,000  and  the  slave 
States  12,000,000. 


78 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics. 


Calhoun's  warning,  on  the  eve  of  his  death,  and  very  nearly  two- 
thirds  of  a  century  after  Rutledge,  in  the  Federal  Convention,  had 
presented  North  Carolina's,  South  Carolina's  and  Georgia's  "ultima- 
tum," brought  out  in  a  clear  light  the  potency  and  persistency  of  sec- 
tional prejudices,  interests  and  ambitions  in  politics.  In  the  beginning 
the  Union  consisted  of  seven  free  and  six  slave  States,  giving  the  original 
thirteen  States  the  classification  accorded  them  subsequently,  but  a 
balance  was  soon  afterward  established,  and,  with  a  few  brief  interrup- 
tions, it  was  maintained  for  half  a  century' . 

By  1796  there  were  sixteen  States  in  the  Union,  eight  free  and  eight 
slave,  the  three  States  which  joined  the  original  thirteen  being  Vermont, 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  one  free  and  two  slave.  Ohio  came  in  in 
1802,  giving  the  free  section  a  preponderance,  but  when  Louisiana  was 
admitted,  in  1812,  the  equality  was  restored.  It  was  the  aim  of  the 
Southern  leaders  subsequently  to  make  this  equality  permanent.  The 
object  was,  by  means  of  the  balance  in  the  Senate,  to  raise  up  a  barrier 
against  legislation  hostile  to  slavery-. 

From  the  beginning  the  North  drew  ahead  of  the  South  in  popula- 
tion, and  in  1812,  in  the  year  of  Louisiana's  admission,  the  North's 
representation  in  the  House  was  103,  as  compared  with  seventy -eight 
for  the  South.  The  necessit>^  of  preser\'ing  a  balance  in  the  Senate,  in 
which  the  States  were  equal,  became  so  imperative  as  a  protection  to  the 
South,  that  for  years  afterward  States  were  admitted  in  pairs,  a  slave 
State  being  linked  to  a  free  State. 

Thus,  Indiana,  which  came  in  in  1816,  was  followed  by  Mississippi 
in  1817;  Illinois  in  1818,  by  Alabama  in  1819;  Maine  in  1820,  by 
Missouri  in  1821.  In  the  pairs  subsequently  the  slave  State  preceded  the 
free  State.  Arkansas,  which  was  admitted  in  1836,  was  followed  by 
Michigan  in  1837;  Florida  and  Texas  in  1845,  by  Iowa  in  1846,  and 
Wisconsin  in  1848.  Texas  was  the  last  of  the  slave  States  ever  created. 
Thirty  States  were  in  the  Union  when  Wisconsin  came  in,  fifteen  free 
and  fifteen  slave. 

Jefferson  foresaw  the  portentous  consequences  of  sectional  politics 
earlier  than  any  of  his  contemporaries.  "This  momentous  question, 
like  a  firebell  in  the  night,  awakened  and  filled  me  with  terror,"  wrote 
the  ex -President  in  a  letter  dated  April  22,  1820,  to  John  Holmes.  "I 
considered  it  at  once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union."  Then  with  words 
which  future  events  proved  to  be  prophetic,  he  added:  "It  is  hushed, 
indeed,  for  the  moment,  but  this  is  a  reprieve  only,  not  a  final  sentence. 
A  geographical  line  coinciding  with  a  marked  principle,  moral  and 
political,  once  conceived  and  held  up  to  the  angr>'  passions  of  men,  will 
never  be  obliterated,  and  every  new  irritation  will  make  it  deeper  and 
deepei . ' ' 

This  note  of  warning  was  called  out  by  the  contest  on  the  question 
of  the  admission  of  Missouri  to  statehood,  and  was  precipitated  by  the 
following  amendment,  introduced  February   13,   1819,   by  James  Tall- 


Balance  Be- 
tween Free  and 
Slave  States. 


The  North's 

Gains  on  the 

South  in 

Population. 


Jefferson's 
"Firebell  in 
the  Night." 


Jefferson's 

•Works,"  VoL 

vii.,  p.  159. 


The 

Tallmadge 

Proviso. 


79 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics. 


The  Missouri 

Admission 

Contest. 


Talk  of  Civil 
War  and    Dis- 
union in  1820. 


Compromise 
of  1850. 


Sectional  Ran- 
cor in  the 

Democratic 
Conventions  of 

1844  and  1860. 


madge,  Jr. .'a  New  York  Democrat,  to  the  admission  bill:  "And  pro- 
vided also  that  the  further  introduction  of  slavery,  or  involuntary- 
servitude,  be  prohibited,  except  for  the  punishment  of  crime  whereof  the 
party  shall  be  duly  convicted ;  and  that  all  children  of  slaves  bom  within 
the  said  State  after  the  admission  thereof  into  the  Union  shall  be  free, 
but  may  be  held  to  service  until  the  age  of  twenty-five  years." 

The  ominous  sectional  line  was  revealed  in  the  vote,  the  few 
Federalists  and  the  many  Democrats,  in  nearly  every  instance,  voting  with 
their  region.  The  House,  in  which  the  North  was  predominant  by 
virtue  of  population,  passed  the  bill  with  the  proviso,  but  in  the  Senate 
the  South,  aided  by  a  few  votes  from  the  North,  defeated  the  slavery 
restriction.  In  its  various  phases  the  contest  lasted  two  years,  Missouri 
at  last  being  admitted  with  slaverj' ;  but  that  institution  was  excluded 
from  all  the  rest  of  the  Louisiana  territory  north  of  36  degrees  and  30 
minutes  north  latitude,  a  line  coinciding  closely  with  Missouri's  south- 
ern boundary. 

"The  words  civil  war  and  disunion,"  wrote  Clay  during  the  Mis- 
souri controversy,  "are  uttered  almost  without  emotion."  They  were 
uttered  often  afterward  during  Clay's  life,  and  once,  near  the  end  of  his 
career,  with  an  even  more  menacing  tone  than  was  heard  in  the  Missouri 
admission  controversy.  This  was  in  1850,  when  California  knocked  for 
entrance  into  the  Union  as  a  free  State. 

There  were  thirty  States  at  that  time,  fifteen  free  and  fifteen  slave. 
California's  admission  would  destroy  the  balance  in  the  Senate  which  the 
Southern  leaders  had  maintained  almost  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Government.  It  would  destroy  this  permanently,  as  everj'body  saw,  for 
the  Northwest  was  growing  far  more  rapidly  than  the  Southwest,  and 
had  material  out  of  which  to  car\^e  more  States  than  could  be  had  below 
the  line  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes.  Many  Southern  statesmen  saw  by 
this  time,  as  Calhoun  did,  that  their  true  policy  as  defenders  of  slavery 
was  to  "force  the  issue"  of  slavery  preser\'ation  in  the  Union  "on  the 
North."  Delay  would  be  dangerous,  for  while  the  South  was  practically 
standing  still,  the  North  was  growing  by  leaps  and  bounds  in  population 
and  wealth. 

Out  of  the  convulsion  caused  by  California's  erection  into  state- 
hood came  the  so-called  compromise  of  1850,  whose  principal  features, 
in  addition  to  California's  admission,  were  the  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  a  fugitive  slave  law,  and  the  organiz- 
ation of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  with  a  slavery  option. 

The  effect  of  the  comi)romise  was  to  bring  the  delay  which  Calhoun 
dreaded,  to  allow  the  North's  predominance  to  increase,  and  to  postpone 
the  conflict  which  Calhoun  and  other  slavery  champions  foresaw  to  be 
inevitable  until  slavery's  destruction  in  the  conflict  was  rendered  certain. 

The  destructive  effects  of  sectionalism  on  the  Democratic  party  was 
displayed  in  the  National  Conventions  of  that  party  in  1844  and  1860. 
In  the  former  Convention,  ex -President  Martin  Van  Buren  was  defeated 


80 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics. 

for  the  Presidential  nomination  because  of  a  letter  by  him,  published 
just  before  that  gathering,  in  which  he  cautiously  opposed  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas,  then  the  issue  of  supreme  importance.  The  South 
favored  and  the  North  opposed  Texas  annexation  chiefly  because  of  the 
enlargement  of  the  area  of  the  slave  region  which  it  would  bring.  In 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1860,  the  sectional  spirit  culmi- 
nated in  a  split  in  the  party,  and  a  bolt  of  the  Southern  wing  because  its 
extreme  views  regarding  slavery  extension  were  not  accepted  by  the 
party's  Northern  end.     That  bolt  was  a  prelude  to  secession  and  civil  war. 

Traces  of  a  geographical  line  in  politics  began  to  appear  early.  In  une'^in'' Eiec- 
the  first  of  the  contested  elections  for  the  presidency,  that  of  1796,  it  is  "°'"" 
visible,  most  of  the  electoral  votes  given  to  Adams,  the  successful 
Federalist  candidate,  coming  from  the  States  constituting  the  free  region, 
and  all  of  those  given  to  Jefferson,  the  Republican  or  Democratic 
nominee,  coming  from  the  slave  States,  except  fourteen  from  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  sectional  line  was  seen  in  the  election  of  1800  also,  in 
which  Jefferson  was  elected. 

Subsequently  for  a  third  of  a  century  the  sectional  division  in  elec-       The  Line 
tions  became  faint,  but  this  was  because  Democratic  predominance  was  ^^whig^Days'" 
so  marked,  that  virtually  there  was  only  one  party  in  the  country.     In 
the  Whig  days,  too,  the  sectional  line  was  not  clearly  defined  in  presi- 
dential elections,    although  ordinarily  the    Whigs  were  stronger  in  the 
North  and  the  Democrats  in  the  South  than  were  their  opponents. 

In  1848,  though  this  relation  was  reversed,  Taylor,  the  Whig,  who, 
however,  was  a  Southerner  and  a  slaveholder,  carrying  more  slave  States 
than  Cass,  Democrat;  and  Cass,  who  was  a  Northern  man,  getting  more 
free  States  than  Taylor. 

But  the  tariff  and  internal  improvements,  and  for  a  short  time  the  j^bra^ka^^ct 
United  States  Bank,  were  the  chief  issues  through  the  greater  part  of  the  ^tloMiism*^ 
Whig  period,  and  on  these  each  section  divided.  When  the  slavery 
issue  went  to  the  front  in  a  menacing  shape,  however,  with  the  passage 
of  Douglas'  Kansas -Nebraska  act  in  1854,  this  idyllic  condition  of  things 
quickly  ended.  This  issue  cut  across  party  lines,  and  destroyed  the 
Whig  organization,  by  sending  most  of  the  Southern  members  into  the 
Democracy  and  by  driving  most  of  its  Northern  members  into  a  com- 
bination with  the  political  abolitionists,  the  Free  Soilers  and  the  anti- 
slavery  Democrats,  under  the  name  of  the  Republican  partj'. 

The  sectional  line  then  came  back  into  politics,  and  it  has  been  in  TheCeograph- 

.  1         .    ,  .  ,       .  ,      ,  Jcal  Line 

in  presidential  canvasses  ever  since,  except  during  a  part  of  the  recon-  in  Repubii- 
struction  period.  All  the  States  carried  in  1856,  by  Fremont,  the  first 
Republican  candidate,  were  free  States,  and  all  those  won  by  Buchanan, 
the  Democrat,  were  slave  States,  except  five — New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Indiana,  Illinois  and  California.  All  of  Lincoln's  electoral  votes  in  1860 
were  from  the  North,  and  he  had  all  the  North's  electors  except  three  in 
New  Jersey,  who  went  to  Douglas.  The  opposition  candidates,  Breck- 
inridge,  Douglas  and  Bell,  carried  the  whole  South,  and  received  no 

81 


can  Days. 


Subsidence   of 
Sectional 
Politics. 


The  Negrro 
Vote    Divided. 


The  Republi- 
can Party- 
Advances  Into 
the   South. 


Why  the 

"Southern 

Question" 

Dropped  out 

of  Politics. 


History  of  Sectionalism  in  Politics. 

electoral  votes  outside  of  the  South,  except  the  three  which  Douglas 
gained.  In  every  election  from  1880  to  1892,  both  years  included,  the 
South  cast  a  solid  vote  for  the  same  party. 

There  are  evidences,  however,  that  geographical  politics  has  ended. 
Five  of  the  ex -slave  States — Delaware,  Maryland,  West  Virginia  (in  the 
Congressional  election) ,  Kentucky  and  Missouri — were  carried  by  the 
Republicans  in  1894  or  1895,  and  the  conditions  which  brought  a  break 
in  the  line  will  be  continuous.  The  break  was  caused  by  the  division  in 
the  negro  vote  and  the  repeal  of  the  Federal  election  laws. 

For  several  years  past  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans  in  some  of 
the  Southern  States  have  been  appealing  for  the  support  of  the  negroes, 
and  in  the  State  election  in  Louisiana  in  1896  the  Democratic  candidate 
received  most  of  his  vote  in  the  parishes  in  which  the  negroes  are  pre- 
dominant, and  his  opponent's  greatest  strength  was  in  the  localities  in 
which  the  whites  are  in  the  lead. 

The  Federal  election  laws,  which  were  passed  in  the  reconstruction 
period,  which  were  divested  of  some  of  their  harsher  features  a  few 
years  later,  but  which  the  Republicans  unwisely  attempted  to  strengthen 
subsequently,  were  repealed  in  1894.  With  their  removal  and  the  split 
in  the  black  vote,  the  dread  of  "negro  domination"  in  the  South  ended, 
the  pressure  which  kept  that  section  "solid"  disappeared,  and  it  will 
henceforth  divide  on  the  vital  issues  of  the  time,  like  the  remainder  of 
the  country. 

With  the  disappearance  of  the  geographical  line  in  politics  the 
Republican  party  ceases  to  be.  a  sectional  organization,  and  becomes  as 
national  in  its  scope  as  it  always  was  in  its  spirit  and  purpose.  The  old 
Mason  and  Dixon  barrier  has  been  removed,  and  the  South,  from  which 
it  was  excluded  from  its  foundation  until  recently,  now  becomes  a  great 
recruiting  ground  for  the  party.  Undoubtedly  the  South  and  Southwest 
will  be  the  field  of  some  of  the  Republican  party's  grandest  contests  in 
the  coming  time. 

This  is  why  none  of  the  Republican  Conventions  in  1896,  District, 
Territorial,  State  or  National,  said  anything  about  the  "Southern 
question."  This  is  why  the  advantages  of  St.  I^uis,  a  city  of  what  in 
the  partisan  classification  of  the  time  has  been  called  a  Southern  State, 
as  a  meeting  place  for  the  Republican  National  Convention  in  1.896, 
prevailed  with  the  Republican  National  Committee.* 


♦This  was  the  committee  of  St.  Louis  gentlemen  who  presented  before  the  Republican  National 
Committee  the  city's  advantaKes  as  a  meetini;  place  for  the  Republican  National  Convention  of 
1896:  Mayor  Cyrus  P.  VV'albridjre.  Richard  C.  Kerens.  Chauncey  I.  Filley,  Edwin  O.  Stanard.  Clark 
H.  Sampson,  Samuel  M.  Kennard,  Daniel  M.  Houser.  William  H.  Thompson,  Nathan  Frank, 
Frederick  G.  Niedringhaus.  F.  B.  Brownell,  H.  C.  Townsend.  Joseph  M.  Hayes,  William  G.  Boyd, 
Charles  C.  Rainwater,  Frank  Gaiennie,  Charles  M.  Flach.  Nathan  Cole,  William  Warner  (Kansas 
City).  Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  Hon.  Charles  F.  Joy,  and  Hon.  Seth  Cobb.  Clark  H.  Sampson  was* 
Chairman  of  the  Delegation. 


82 


I  V  •> 


r*<^..tirt>^i't«<^M      I7/^D      Cf        T 


RECORD    OF    BALLOTS 


IN 


REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS. 


THE  first  Republican  National  Convention  held  to  nominate 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  met  in  Philadelphia 
June  17,  1856. 

There  was  a  gathering  of  Republicans,  which  is  sometimes 
called  a  National  Convention,  but  which  ought  to  be  called  a  National 
Conference,  in  Pittsburg  on  February  22,  1856.  This  met  in  obedience 
to  a  call  issued  by  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committees  of 
Maine,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio, 
Michigan,  Indiana  ^nd  Wisconsin,  "for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  the 
national  organization  and  providing  for  a  National  Delegate  Convention 
of  the  Republican  party  at  some  subsequent  day,  to  nominate  candidates 
for  the  Presidency  and  Vice -Presidency,  to  be  supported  at  the  election 
in  November,  1856." 

At  the  Pittsburg  gathering,  in  which  there  were  representatives  of 
the  Republican  party  from  almost  all  the  free  States  and  from  some  of 
the  slave  States,  a  National  Committee  was  appointed,  which  body  called 
a  National  Delegate  Convention  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  on  June  17,  to 
nominate  a  Presidential  ticket. 

Republican  organizations  had  been  formed  in  some  of  the  Northern 
States  in  1854,  and  in  nearly  all  the  rest  of  them  in  1855.  But  from  the 
Pittsburg  Conference  of  February  22,  1856,  the  existence  of  the  party  as 
a  national  organization  dates. 

At  the  Philadelphia  Convention  which  was  held  June  17-19,  1856, 
all  the  free  States,  as  well  as  Delaware,  Maryland  and  Kentucky  of  the 
border  slave  region,  were  represented.  Hon.  Robert  Emmet,  of  New 
York,  was  made  Temporary  President  of  the  Convention,  and  Henry  S. 
Lane,  of  Indiana,  Permanent  President. 

On  an  informal  ballot  this  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  President : 

John  C.  Fremont,  of  California 359 

John  McLean,  of  Ohio 196 

Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts 2 

William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York 1 


First    Republi- 
can National 
Gathering. 


The  Pittsburg 

Conference 

of  1856. 


A  National 
Orgranization 
Established. 


Convention 
of  1856. 


83 


Ballots  in  Republican  Conventions. 


Fremont  and  FremoTit  was  then  unanimously  nominated.     An  informal  ballot  was 

Dayton.        ^Iso  had  for  Vice-President,  with  this  result: 

William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey 259 

Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 110 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts 46 

Dayton  then  was  unanimously  nominated. 
Convention  The  second  Republican  National  Convention  was  held  at  Chicago 

May  16-18,  1860.  It  had  representatives  of  the  party  from  all  the  free 
States,  and  from  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Missouri  and 
Texas  of  the  slave  section,  as  well  as  from  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  and  from  the  District  of  Columbia.  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania,  whose  historic  slavery  restriction  proviso  of  1846  became 
the  basis  of  the  creed  of  the  Free  Soil  and  Republican  parties,  was  made 
Temporary  Chairman,  and  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  Permanent 
President.  Here  are  the  votes  for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  on  the  different  ballots : 

First  Second  Third 

Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot. 

William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York 173)^  184)^  180 

Abraham  Lincoln,    of  Illinois 102  181  231>a 

Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania 50)^                2  .   . 

Salmon    P.  Chase,  of  Ohio 49                 42}i  24)^ 

Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri 48                 35  22 

William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey 14                  10  1 

John  McLean,    of  Ohio 12                   8  5 

Jacob  Collamer,    of  Vermont 10 

Scattering 6                   2  1 

Necessary  to  a  choice 233  233  233 

As  Lincoln  came  within  one  and -a -half  votes  of  the  nomination  on 
the  third  ballot,  four  votes  were  immediately  transferred  to  him  from 
Ohio,  and  then  a  stampede  toward  him  took  place,  which  gave  him  354 
votes,  or  111  less  than  the  whole  convention.  The  nomination  was  then 
made  unanimous. 
^HamUn"**  Two  ballots  Were  had  for  Vice-President,  with  this  result,  Hamlin 

getting  the  candidacy  on  the  second  ballot : 

First  Second 

Ballot.  Ballot. 

Hannibal  Hamlin,    of  Maine 194  367 

Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky lOl^a  86 

John  Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania 58  13 

Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania 51 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,   of  Massachusetts 38)2  •   • 

Scattering 15 

Convention  The  third  National  Convention  was  held  in  Baltimore  June  7-8,  1864. 

of  1864. 

It  was  called  a  Union  National  Convention,  and  war  Democrats  as  well 
as  Republicans  were  represented  in  it.  A  large  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates, however,  as  well  as  of  those  for  whom  they  spoke,  were  Repub- 

84 


Ballots  in  Republican  Conventions. 

licans.  The  call  under  which  the  convention  met  was  addressed  to  all 
those  who  "desire  the  unconditional  maintenance  of  the  Union,  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  complete  suppression  of  the 
existing  rebellion,  with  the  cause  thereof,  by  vigorous  war  and  all  apt 
and  efficient  means." 

As  Temporary  President,  the  Convention  had  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  J. 
Breckinridge,  uncle  of  John  C.  Breckinridge,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  from  1857  to  1861,  and  then  an  officer  in  the  Confederate 
army,  and  father  of  William  C.  P.  Breckinridge,  also  a  Confederate 
officer  and  recently  (1885-1895)  a  Representative  in  Congress  from 
Kentucky.  The  Permanent  President  was  ex -Governor  William  Den- 
nison,  of  Ohio.     This  was  the  vote  on  the  only  ballot  had : 


Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 494 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois 22 

The  votes  for  Grant  were  those  from  Missouri,  which  were  cast 
according  to  that  State's  instructions.  Immediately  after  the  ballot, 
however,  they  were  transferred  to  Lincoln,  whose  nomination  was  made 
unanimous. 

This  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  Vice  -  President : 


Lincoln  and 
Johnson. 


Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee 200 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine 150 

Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York 108 

Scattering :   .  61 

Johnson's  lead  being  apparent  before  the  result  of  the  vote  was 
declared,  changes  of  votes  immediately  began,  and  Johnson  received 
494,  Dickinson  17,  and  Hamlin  9.  Thus  Johnson  was  put  on  the 
Lincoln  ticket. 

The  fourth  Republican  National  Convention  assembled  at  Chicago 
May  20-21,  1868.  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri,  was  the  Temporary  Chair- 
man, and  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut,  Permanent  President. 
There  was  no  contest  for  the  Presidential  candidacy.  Ulysses  S.  Grant 
was  nominated  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

For  candidate  for  Vice-President  this  was  the  vote  on  the  five  ballots 
which  were  had,  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  then  Speaker  of  the 
House,  being  nominated : 

First  Second  Third  Fourtti  Fiftli 

Baiiot.  Ballot.  Ballot.         Ballot.  Ballot. 

Benjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio 147  170  178            206              38 

Reuben  E.  Fenton,  of  New  York  .   .  126  144  139            144              69 

Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts    .   .  119  114  101              87             .   . 

Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana 115  145  165            186            541 

Andrew  G.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania  .51  45  40 

Hannibal  Hamlin,   of  Maine    ....  28  30  25              25 

James  Speed,  of  Kentucky 22 

Scattering 40 


Convention 

of  1868. 


Grant  and 
Colfax. 


85 


Ballots  in  Republican  Conventions. 


Convention 

of  1872. 


Grant  and 
Wilson. 


Convention 

of  1876. 


Hayes  and 
Wheeler. 


Convention 
of  1880. 


Philadelphia  was  the  meeting  place  of  the  fifth  Republican  National 
Convention,  and  June  5-6,  1872,  was  the  date  at  which  it  was  held. 
Morton  Mc Michael,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  Temporarj'  Chairman,  and 
Thomas  Settle,  of  North  Carolina,  was  Permanent  President.  President 
Grant  was  renominated  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

The  vote  for  candidate  for  the  Vice -Presidency  resulted  thus, 
Wilson  being  chosen : 

Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts 399}4 

Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana 308 )-2 

Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee 26 

E.  J.  Davis,  of  Texas 16 

Scattering 2 

The  sixth  Republican  National  Convention  was  held  in  Cincinnati 
on  June  14-16,  1876.  Theodore  M.  Pomeroy,  of  New  York,  was  made 
Temporary  Chairman,  and  Edward  McPherson,  of  Pennsylvania,  Per- 
manent President.  This  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  President, 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes  being  nominated  on  the  seventh  ballot: 

First  Second  Third  Fourth  Fifth  Sixth  Seventh 

Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 285  296  293  292  286  308  351 

Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana   ...    125  120  113  108  95  85  .    . 

Benjamin  H.  Bristow,  of  Kentucky  .    113  114  121  126  114  111  21 

Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York    .    .      99  93  90  84  82  81  .    . 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio  ...      61  64  67  68  104  113  384 

John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Pennsylvania  .      58  63  68  71  69  50  .   . 
Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut   .   .      11 

Scattering 3          4  3  5  5  5 

Whole  number  of  delegates  voting  .    755  754  755  754  755  753  756 

Necessary  to  a  choice 378  378  378  378  378  377  379 

William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut, 
Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New  York,  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut, 
and  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  were  proposed  as  the 
candidates  for  Vice-President.  As  the  voting  proceeded  a  Connecticut 
delegate  made  a  motion  that  Wheeler's  nomination  be  declared 
unanimous,  which  was  carried. 

At  Chicago  on  June  2-8,  1880,  the  seventh  National  Republican 
Convention  assembled.  Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
the  Temporary  Chairman  and  Pennanent  President.  More  ballots  were 
cast  in  that  Convention  than  in  any  other  national  gathering  of  the 
Republican  party  ever  thus  far  held,  or  thirty -six  in  all.  Here  is  the 
vote  on  the  first,  thirtieth,  thirty  -  fourth ,  thirty -fifth  and  thirty -sixth 
ballots.  The  changes  on  the  others  were  on  the  whole  comparatively 
slight.  Grant's  highest  vote,  313,  is  given  in  the  table,  and  so  is 
Sherman's,  which  was  120.  Blaine's  highest,  285,  was  on  one  of  the 
omitted  ballots.  Garfield,  who  was  nominated  on  the  thirty -sixth  ballot, 
received  one  vote  on  the  second  ballot,  and  received  one  or  two  votes  on 
most  of  the  ballots  afterward  until  the  thirty -fourth,  when  his  votes 
jumped  to  seventeen. 


86 


Ballots  in  Republican  Conventions. 


First  Thirtieth  Thirty-fourth  Thirty-fifth  Thirty-tlxth 

Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois    ...    304  306  312  313  306 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine  ....    284  279  275  257  42 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 93  120  107  99  3 

George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont  .      33  11  11  11 

Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois  .    .      31  33  30  23  5 

William  Windom,  of  Minnesota  .    .      10  4  4  3 

James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio 2  17  50  399 

Whole  number  of  delegates  ....    755  755  756  756  755 

Necessary  to  a  choice 378  378  379  379  378 

This  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  Vice  -  President  on  the  only  ballot 
had,  Arthur's  nomination  then  being  made  unanimous: 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of   New  York 468 

Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 199 

Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut 43 

Horace  Maynard,    of  Tennessee 30 

Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas 20 

Blanche  K.   Bruce,  of  Mississippi 8 

James  L.  Alcorn,  of  Mississippi 4 

Thomas  Settle,  of  Florida 2 

Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New  York 1 

The  eighth  Republican  National  Convention  was  held  at  Chicago  on 
June  3-6,  1884.  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  was  made  Temporary 
Chairman,  beating  Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas,  in  a  contest  for  that 
post.  Lynch's  vote  being  431  and  Clayton's  387.  John  B.  Henderson, 
of  Missouri,  became  Permanent  President.  This  was  the  vote  for  presi- 
dential candidate,  on  the  four  ballots  which  were  taken,  Blaine's  nom- 
ination being  made  unanimous  after  receiving  his  majority  on  the  fourth 
ballot : 

First  Second  Third  Fourth 

Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 334)^  349  375  541 

Chester  A. 'Arthur,  of  New  York 278  276  274  207 

George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont 93  85  69  41 

John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois 63 ^g  61  53  7 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 30  28  25 

Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut 13  13  13  15 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 4  4  8  2 

William  T.  Sherman,  of  Missouri 2  2  2 

Whole  number  of  delegates  voting 818  818  819  813 

Necessary  to  a  choice 410  410  410  407 

This  was  the  vote  for  a  Vice  -  Presidential  candidate : 

John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois 779 

Joseph  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio 1 

Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana 6 

The  ninth  Republican  National  Convention  was  held  in  Chicago 
June  19-25,  1888,  and  had  for  Temporary  Chairman  John  M.  Thurston, 
of  Nebraska,  and  for  Permanent  President  M.  M.  Estee,  of  California. 
Here  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  President,  Harrison  getting  the 
nomination  on  the  eighth  ballot : 


Thirty-six 
Ballots. 


Garfield  and 
Arthur. 


Convention 

of  1884 


Blaine  and 
Logan. 


Convention 
of  1S88. 


87 


Ballots  in  Republican  Conventions. 


Harrison  and 
Morton. 


Convention 
of   1892. 


Harrison  and 
Reid. 


84 


First 
Ballot 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio  .    .    229 

W.  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana  111 

Chauncey     M.     Depew,    of 
New  York 99 

Russell  A.  Alger,  of  Mich- 
igan    

Benjamin  Harrison,  of   In- 
diana   

William  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine  . 

John  J.  Ingalls,  of  Kansas  . 

Jeremiah  M.  Rusk,  of  Wis- 
consin    

William  W.  Phelps,  of  New 
Jersey  

E.   H.   Filler,    of  Pennsyl- 
vania        24 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois      3 

William    McKinley,  Jr.,  of 
Ohio 2 

Scattering 

Whole  number  of  votes  .    .    817 

Necessary  to  a  choice  •   .    .    409 


Second 

Third 

Fourth 

Fitth 

Sixth 

Seventh 

Eighth 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

Ballot. 

249 

244 

235 

224 

244 

231 

118 

108 

123 

98 

87 

91 

91 

59 

99 


116 


91 


122 


135 


142 


137 


120 


80 

91 

94 

217 

213 

231 

278 

72 

75 

88 

88 

99 

73 

76 

35 

33 

35 

42 

48 

40 

15 

28 

16 

.   . 

100 


544 


25 


25 


20 


18 


16 


830 
416 


8 

2 

830 

416 


1 

11 

2 

829 

415 


14 

827 
414 


12 

2 

830 

416 


16 

2 

831 

416 


830 
416 


Here  was  the  vote  for  the  nominee  for  Vice-President: 

Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York 519 

William  Walter  Phelps,  of  New  Jersey 119 

William  O.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky 103 

Blanche  K.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi    . 11 

Walter  F.  Thomas,  of  Texas 1 

At  Minneapolis,  on  June  7-10,  1892,  the  tenth  Republican  National 
Convention  assembled.  J.  Sloat  Fasset,  of  New  York,  was  the  Tem- 
porary Chairman,  and  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  was  the 
Permanent  President.  This  was  the  vote  for  candidate  for  President, 
Gen.  Harrison  being  renominated  on  the  first  ballot : 

Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana 535  1-6 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 182  5-6 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio 182 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine 4 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 1 

Whole  number  of  votes 905 

Necessary  to  a  choice 453 

Whitelaw  Reid,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President 
by  acclamation. 


88 


PROCEEDINGS 


Republican  National  Convention 


St.  Louis,  June  i6— i8,  1896. 


PROCEEDINGS 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 

St.   Louis,  June   16—18,  1896. 


The  eleventh  National  Convention  of  the  Republican  party 
was  called  to  order  at  12.20  p.  m.  by  Senator  Thomas  H. 
Carter,  of  Montana,  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee,  after  which  Rabbi  Samuel  Sale,  of  St.  Louis, 
offered  the  following  prayer : 

All  Merciful  and  Most  Gracious  Father,  Fountain  of  Light  and  Life, 
we  seek  thy  presence  and  implore  thy  guidance  in  the  toils  and  tasks  of 
our  earthly  being.  O,  Thou  who  art  enthroned  in  the  soul  of  man  and 
nilest  in  the  destinies  of  nations,  be  nigh  unto  us  now  and  show  forth  thy 
wondrous  ways  in  this  assembly  of  thy  people.  Harken  unto  thy  serv- 
ants, the  bondmen  of  freedom,  and  pour  out  on  them,  who  have  come  to 
do  thy  bidding  in  the  service  of  truth  and  honor,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and 
understanding,  the  spirit  of  counsel  and  strength,  the  spirit  of  knowledge 
and  the  fear  of  the  Lord.  Make  righteousness  the  girdle  of  their  loins 
and  faithfulness  the  girdle  of  their  hips,  so  that  they  may  manfully  dis- 
charge the  sacred  duties  of  their  gathering,  to  further  the  well-being  of 
the  people,  and  to  safeguard  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  nation. 

O,  kindle  anew  in  the  hearts  of  our  generation  the  altar  flame  of 
devotion  to  the  high  aims  that  inspired  the  minds  of  the  founders  of  our 
republic,  and,  above  all,  illumined  and  immortalized  the  life  of  the 
Father  of  his  Country.  Fill  us  with  a  deep  and  abiding  sense  of  the 
transcendent  dignity  and  nobility  of  American  citizenship  and  of  the 
sacred  obligations  that  should  attend  it,  so  that  we  may  grow  from  day 
to  day  in  the  beauty  of  civic  virtue,  and  our  beloved  land,  from  "  hundred - 
harbored  Maine"  to  the  vine-clad  hills  of  the  Golden  Gate,  from  the 
ice-bound  North  to  the  warm  and  sunny  South,  may  go  from  strength 
to  strength,  until  it  achieves  its  destiny  to  become  the  fixed  and  shining 
mark  for  every  bark  bound  for  the  haven  of  law  and  liberty. 

Let  not  the  glory  of  our  past  be  greater  than  the  present,  nor  let  us 
come  to  shame  and  grief  by  the  worship  of  gods  of  gold  and  silver  to  the 
neglect  of  those  ideals  of  the  mind  and  soul  which  alone  are  worthy  of  a 
free  man's  homage  and  alone  can  secure  the  continued  possession  and 
enjoyment  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.     Remove  from  around  us  the 


The  Conven- 
tion Opens. 


Rabbi  Sale': 
Prayer. 


Plea  for  a 
Sense  of  the 

Dignity  of 
American  Citi- 
zenship. 


Warning: 
Against  "Wor- 
ship of  Gods 
of  Gold  and 
Silver." 


91 


Republican  National  Convention. 


The  Call  Read. 


Temporary 
Chairman    Ap- 
pointed. 


The  Conven- 
tion's Duties 
and  Responsi- 
bilities. 


Disaster  from 

Democratic 

Rule. 


A  Third  of  a 
Century  of  Re- 
publican Sway. 


din  and  noise  of  insincerity  and  hollow -sounding  shows,  let  bitter  strife 
and  wrangling  cease,  and,  firmly  bound  in  the  love  of  our  common 
country,  let  us  realize  how  good  and  lovelj'  it  is  for  brethren  to  dwell 
together  in  harmony. 

Prosper  Thou  the  work  of  this  council,  convened  in  the  cause  of  the 
people,  and  when  its  message  goes  forth  over  the  land  may  its  golden 
ring  bring  to  them  the  glad  assurance  that  prosperity  will  brighten  our 
homes,  and  the  immediate  jewel  of  our  soul,  the  good  name  of  our  people 
and  the  credit  of  our  government,  shall  remain  untarnished  forever 

May  thy  grace,  O  God,  come  upon  us,  and  do  thou  establish  the 
work  of  our  hands.     Amen. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  invocation  Secretary  Joseph  H. 
Manley,  of  the  National  Committee,  read  the  call  in  pur- 
suance of  which  the  Convention  met. 

Then  by  direction  of  the  National  Committee  Chairman 
Carter  proposed,  for  the  Convention's  approval,  Charles  W. 
Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  for  Temporary  Chairman.  The  selec- 
tion was  indorsed  by  the  Convention,  and  Mr.  Fairbanks 
addressed  that  body  as  follows : 

TEMPORARY   CHAIRMAN    FAIRBANKS'    ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  I  am  profoundly  grateful  for 
this  expression  of  your  generous  confidence.  As  citizens  we  were  never 
called  upon  to  discharge  a  more  important  duty  than  that  which  rests 
upon  us — the  nomination  of  a  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  This  duty  is  a  peculiarly  impressive  one  at  the  moment, 
for  it  is  already  written  in  the  Book  of  Fate  that  the  choice  of  this  Con- 
vention will  be  the  next  President  and  Vice-President  of  this  great 
Republic. 

Three  years  of  Democratic  administration  have  been  three  years  of 
panic,  of  wasted  energy,  of  anxiety  and  loss  to  the  American  people, 
without  a  parallel  in  our  historj'.  To-day  the  people  turn  to  the 
Republican  party  hopefully,  confidently ;  and  it  is  for  us  to  meet  their 
expectations;  it  is  for  us  to  give  them  those  candidates  upon  whom 
their  hearts  have  centered,  and  to  give  them  clear,  straightfor\vard, 
emphatic  expression  of  our  political  faith.  The  Republican  party  is  a 
party  of  convictions ;  and  it  has  written  its  convictions  in  the  history  of 
the  Republic  with  the  pen  and  the  sword ;  with  it  the  supreme  question 
always  has  been  not  what  is  merely  "politics,"  but  what  is  everlastingly 
"right."  The  great  men  we  have  given  to  the  Nation  and  to  history-, 
the  mighty  dead  and  the  illustrious  living,  are  our  inspiration  and  tower 
of  strength.  If  we  are  but  true  to  their  exalted  example,  we  cannot  be 
false  to  our  countrj'men. 

For  a  third  of  a  centur>'  prior  to  the  advent  of  the  present  Demo- 
cratic Administration,  we  operated  under  laws  enacted  by  the  Republican 


92 


Republican  National  Convention. 

party.  All  great  measures  concerning  the  tariff  and  the  currency 
originated  with  it.  Tariff  laws  were  formed  upon  lines  which  protected 
our  laborers  and  producers  from  unequal  and  unjust  foreign  competition, 
and  upon  the  theory  that  the  best  market  in  the  world  is  the  home 
market  and  that  it  should  be  enjoyed  by  our  own  countrymen. 

Under  the  currency  laws  our  currency  was  made  national.  The  Repnbiican 
wild -cat  State  bank  money  of  the  Democratic  party  was  wiped  out  of  ^'"a^genfe^*" 
existence.  The  unprecedented  demands  growing  out  of  the  war  were 
met  by  a  paper  currency  which  ultimately  became  as  good  as  gold. 
Since  the  resumption  of  specie  payment  in  1879  every  dollar  of  our 
money,  paper,  silver  and  gold,  has  been  of  equal  purchasing  power  the 
world  over.  The  policy  of  the  party  has  been  to  make  and  keep  our 
currency  equal  to  the  best  in  the  world. 

Under  the  operation  of  these  honest  tariff  and  honest  money  Repub-  prosperity  un- 
lican  laws  the  countr3^  grew  in  wealth  and  power  beyond  precedent.  We  ^^f  *^^P^biicaD 
easily  outstripped  all  other  Powers  in  the  commercial  race.  On  Novem- 
ber 8,  1892,  there  was  work  for  every  hand  and  bread  for  every  mouth. 
We  reached  high -water  mark.  Labor  received  higher  wages  than  ever, 
and  capital  w^as  profitably  and  securely  employed.  The  national  rev- 
enues were  sufficient  to  meet  our  obligations  and  leave  a  surplus  in  the 
Treasury.  Foreign  and  domestic  trade  were  greater  in  volume  and 
value  than  they  had  ever  been.  Foreign  balances  were  largely  in  our 
favor.  European  gold  was  flowing  toward  us.  But  all  of  this  is  changed. 
The  cause  is  not  hard  to  seek.  A  reaction  began  when  it  was  known 
that  the  legislative  and  executive  branches  of  the  Government  were  to 
be  Democratic. 

The  Democratic  party  had  at  Chicago  condemned  the  protective  tariff  Democratic 
principle  as  unconstitutional,  and  solemnly  pledged  itself  to  the  overthrow  ^^%ariff°  ^^^ 
and  destruction  of  the  McKinley  law  and  to  the  adoption  of  free  trade  as 
the  policy  of  the  United  States.  This  bold,  aggressive  attack  upon  the 
long  settled  policy  of  the  Republican  party  bore  its  natural  fruit  in  shaken 
confidence  and  unsettled  business,  and  we  were  soon  drifting  against  the 
rock  of  destruction. 

Before  the  work  of  demolition  was  actually  begun  a  run  was  started  -Runs-  on 
upon  the  Treasury  reser\^e  which  the  Republican  party  had  wisely  ^^Jj^^l"^ 
accumulated  for  the  protection  of  the  Government  credit.  The  drain 
upon  the  reserve  for  the  redemption  of  greenbacks  and  Treasury  notes 
greatly  surpassed  all  prior  experience  and  emphasized  the  discredit  into 
which  the  Democratic  Administration  had  fallen.  An  utter  want  of 
confidence  in  the  Administration  possessed  the  people. 

The  Democratic  party  was  harmonious  upon  one  subject,  and  that 
was  the  destruction  of  the  McKinley  law.  But  when  they  came  to  the 
exercise  of  the  creative  faculty,  the  enactment  of  a  great  revenue  measure 
in  its  stead,  there  was  discord.  The  imperiled  interests  of  the  country 
watched  and  waited  through  long  and  anxious  months  for  some  settle- 
ment of  the  important  question.     They  wanted  an  end  of  iincertainty. 

93 


Republican  National  Convention. 


The  Wilson- 
Gorman  Law 
of  "Perfidy  and 
Dishonor." 


Reciprocity 
Struck  Down. 


The  Treasury 
Defrauded. 


Democratic 

Debt-Making 

in  Times  of 

Peace. 


At  length  the  Wilson  bill  was  adopted,  and  it  was  characterized  by  a 
Democratic  President  as  the  child  of  "perfidy  and  dishonor."  It  was 
so  bad  that  he  would  not  contaminate  his  hand  by  signing  it.  A  bill 
that  is  too  base  for  Mr.  Cleveland  to  approve  is  too  base  for  the  approval 
of  the  American  people. 

This  important  law  was  wanting  in  the  primary  purpose  of  a  revenue 
measure,  for  it  failed  to  provide  adequate  revenue  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  Government.  The  deficiency  thus  far  amounts  to  some 
$150,000,000.  The  end  is  not  yet,  for  the  deficiency  grows  day  by  day. 
This  leaves  the  Treasury  and  the  public  credit  in  constant  peril.  Our 
foreign  credit  is  impaired  and  domestic  capital  feels  insecure.  The  sec- 
tional favoritism  of  the  Wilson  law  was  one  of  its  marked  features.  Its 
blow  at  sheep  husbandry  was  an  unpardonable  offense.  It  was  a 
flagrant  wrong  to  the  farmers  of  the  United  States.  This  great  industry 
had  developed  and  grown  under  Republican  protective  laws  until  it  was 
one  of  our  greatest.  We  are  now  sending  abroad  millions  of  dollars  for 
wool  which  were  paid  to  our  farmers  under  the  McKinley  law. 

The  bill  struck  down  reciprocity,  one  of  the  highest  achievements 
of  American  Statesmanship.  No  measure  was  ever  enacted  which  more 
directly  advanced  the  interests  of  the  American  farmers  and  manu- 
facturers than  reciprocity.  With  its  destruction  fell  advantageous 
commercial  agreements,  under  which  their  products  were  surely  finding 
larger  and  profitable  foreign  markets,  and  without  the  surrender  of  their 
own. 

The  substitution  of  ad  valorem  for  specific  duties  has  opened  the 
way  for  systematic  wholesale  frauds  upon  the  Treasury  and  producers 
and  employes  of  the  countr}'.  By  means  of  under\'aluations,  foreign 
goods  pass  through  the  custom  houses  without  paying  their  just  tribute 
to  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  Thus  we  have  lost  millions  of 
dollars  in  revenue,  and  the  foreign  producers  have  been  enabled  to 
unfairly  possess  our  home  markets. 

.  Neither  time  nor  place  will  permit  further  reference  to  the  unfortu- 
nate revenue  legislation  of  the  Democratic  party,  nor  to  the  hurtful, 
demoralizing  effect  of  it.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  has  been  the  great  and 
original  factor  in  breaking  down  confidence,  progress,  emptying  the 
Treasury,  causing  continued  deficits  and  enforced  idleness  among 
millions  of  willing  workers. 

To  meet  the  monthly  deficits  and  protect  our  credit  and  save  the 
Government  from  protest  the  President  has  been  forced  to  sell  bonds ; 
in  other  words,  he  has  been  obliged  to  mortgage  the  future  in  a  time  of 
peace  to  meet  the  current  obligations  of  the  Government. 

This  is  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  Republican  record.  Our  tariff 
laws  not  only  raised  revenue,  but  they  protected  our  domestic  industries ; 
they  impartially  protected  the  farmer  and  manufacturer,  both  North  and 
South.  Not  only  that,  but  they  also  raised  sufficient  revenue  to 
gradually  reduce   the   public   debt,  and   without  imposing   a  grievous 


94 


Rkprkskntativk  Galusha  a.  CJkuw,  ok  Pennsvlvania. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

burden   upon    the   people.       During    the    administration    of    Harrison 
$236,000,000  of  obligations  were  paid,  while  Cleveland,  during  the  last    D^b?.p''ay"g. 
three    years,    has    added    to    our   interest -bearing   debt   $262,000,000. 
Against  such  Democratic  financiering  the  Republican  party  enters  its 
emphatic  protest. 

Having  attempted  to  reverse  the  tariff  policy  of  the  United  States 
with  such  lamentable  results,  the  Democratic  party  now  proposes  to 
reverse  the  currency  policy. 

It  turns  to  the  currency  as  the  parent  of  our  ill.     Its  effort  to  shift     Democratic 
the  responsibility  will   deceive  no  one.     Its  attack  upon  the  tariff,   its   ^^olrrency^''* 
record  of  inefficiency  and  insincerity,  is  a  part  of  the  unfortunate  history 
of  the  Republic. 

The  present  currency  system  is  the  fruit  of  Republican  wisdom.  It 
has  been  adequate  to  all  our  past  necessities,  and,  if  uncorrupted,  will 
meet  our  future  requirements.  Our  greatest  prosperity  was  attained 
when  Republican  currency  laws  were  in  full  operation.  When  the 
Republican  party  was  in  power,  our  currency  was  good ;  it  was  made  as 
good  as  the  best  on  the  globe.  We  made  sound  money ;  and  we  also 
made  an  honest  protective  tariff  to  go  with  it.  Sound  money  and  an 
honest  protective  tariff,  hand  in  hand,  together;  not  one  before  the 
other. 

The  very  foundation  of  the  sound  currency  system  is  a  solvent 
Treasury.  If  the  people  doubt  the  integrity  of  the  Treasury,  they  will 
question  the  soundness  of  the  currency.  Recognizing  this  fundamental 
fact,  the  Republican  party  always  provided  ample  revenue  for  the 
Treasury. 

When  in  the  last  half  century  of   our  history  did  the   Democratic    ^^^  Financial 
party  advocate  a  financial  policy  that  was  in  the  best  interests  of  the    Record  of  the 

r        J  f  J  Democracy. 

American  people?  Look  at  its  ante-bellum  currency  record.  Consider 
its  hostility  to  the  currency  rendered  necessary'  by  the  exigencj'  of 
war;  and,  later,  its  effort  to  inflate  the  currenc}^  in  a  time  of  peace  by 
the  issue  of  greenbacks.  Witness  its  opposition  to  the  efforts  of  the 
Republican  party  to  resume  specie  payments.  But  four  short  years  ago 
it  declared  for  a  return  to  the  old  discredited  State  bank  currency. 

The  Republican  party  has  not  been  unfriendly  to  the  proper  use  of 
silver.  It  has  always  favored  and  favors  to-day  the  use  of  silver  as  a  can  Party  and 
part  of  our  circulating  medium,  but  it  favors  that  use  under  such  pro- 
visions and  safeguards  as  shall  not  imperil  our  present  national  standard. 
The  policj'  of  the  Republican  party  is  to  retain  both  gold  and  silver  as  a 
part  of  our  circulating  medium,  while  the  policy  of  free  coinage  of  silver 
leads  to  certain  silver  monometallism.  It  is  an  immutable  law  that  two 
moneys  of  unequal  value  will  not  circulate  together,  and  that  the  poorer 
always  drives  out  the  better.  Republican 

The    Republican    party,  desiring  fairly  to    secure    a  larger   use    of      Democratic 
silver,  pledged  itself  in  favor  of  an  international  agreement.     Harrison,      Qife*stion  of  ^ 
true  to  the  pledge  of  the  party,  took  the  initiatory  steps  and  invited  an     Bimaaiium. 

-95 


Peril  of  Inde- 


Republican  National  Convention. 

international  monetary  conference  at  Brussels,  at  which  the  subject  of  an 
international  coinage  agreement  was  ably  and  profitably  discussed. 

The  Democratic  party  was  also  committed  to  international  bimet- 
allism, but  when  it  came  into  power  the  work  which  had  been  so 
auspiciously  begun  by  the  Republican  party  was  abandoned.  It  was  so 
absorbed  in  its  efforts  to  break  down  the  McKinley  law  and  empty  the 
Treasury  that  it  had  no  time  to  promote  international  bimetallism. 

Tho.se  who  profess  to  believe  that  this  Government  can,  independ- 
ently of  the  other  great  commercial  Powers,  open  its  mints  to  the  free  and 
independent  coinage  of  silver  at  a  ratio  of  16  to  1,  when  the  commercial 
ratio  in  all  the  great  markets  is  30  to  1,  and  at  the  same  time  not  drive 
every  dollar  of  gold  out  of  circulation,  but  deceive  themselves. 

Great  and  splendid  and  powerful  as  our  Government  is,  it  can  not 

^oina"'  ''of*  accompHsh  the  impossible.  It  can  not  create  value.  It  has  not  the 
Silver.  alcliemist's  subtle  art  of  transmuting  unlimited  silver  into  gold,  nor  can 
it,  by  omnipotent  fiat,  make  50  cents  worth  100  cents.  As  well  under- 
take by  a  resolution  of  Congress  to  suspend  the  law  of  gravitation  as 
attempt  to  compel  an  unlimited  number  of  50 -cent  dollars  to  circulate 
with  100 -cent  dollars  at  a  parity  with  each  other.  An  attempt  to  compel 
unlimited  dollars  of  such  unequal  value  to  circulate  at  a  parity  is  bad  in 
morals  and  vicious  in  policy.  Sound  thinkers  upon  the  great  question 
of  the  currency  know  from  the  beginning  of  the  experiment  how  miser- 
ably and  certainly  it  would  fail.  The  commerce  of  the  country  would 
be  again  thrown  upon  the  sea  of  uncertainty,  and  the  specter  of  want 
would  continue  to  haunt  us  for  years  to  come. 

It  Would  Drive  upon  Opening  our  mints  to  the  independent  free  coinage  of  silver. 

Gold.  '^^  foreign  credits  would  be  withdrawn  and  domestic  credits  would  be  greatly 
curtailed.  More  than  this,  there  would  be  a  certain  and  sudden  coritrac- 
tion  of  our  currency  by  the  expulsion  of  $620,000,000  of  gold,  and  our 
paper  and  silver  currency  would  instantly  and  greatly  depreciate  in 
purchasing  power.  But  one  result  would  follow  this.  Enterprise  would 
be  further  embarrassed,  business  demoralization  would  be  increased,  and 
still  further  and  serious  injury  would  be  inflicted  upon  the  laborers,  the 
farmers,  the  merchants,  and  all  those  whose  welfare  depends  upon  a 
wholesome  commerce. 
.\nd  Would  A  change  from  the  present  standard  to  the  low  silver  standard  would 

cut  down  the  recompense  of  labor,  reduce  the  value  of  the  savings  in 
savings  banks  and  building  and  loan  associations,  salaries  and  incomes 
would  shrink,  pensions  would  be  cut  in  two,  the  beneficiaries  of  life 
insurance  would  suffer;  in  short,  the  injury  would  be  so  universal  and 
far-reaching  that  a  radical  change  can  be  contemplated  only  with  the 
gravest  api^rehension. 
The  Great  ^  souiid  currcucy  is  oue  of  the  essential  instruments  in  developing  our 

t^hVcoUiBasTs*!  cominerce.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party  not  only  to  develop 
our  domestic  trade,  but  to  extend  our  commerce  into  the  uttermost  parts 
of  the  earth.     We  should  not  begin  our  contest  for  commercial  supremacy 

96 


Senator  Julius  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan. 


Republican  National  Convp:ntion. 

by  destroying  our  currency  standard.  All  the  leading^  Powers  with 
which  we  must  compete,  suspended  the  free  coinage  of  silver  when  the 
increased  production  of  silver  forced  the  commercial  ratio  of  silver  above 
the  coinage  ratio  to  gold.  Shall  we  ignore  their  ripened  experience? 
Shall  we  attempt  what  they  have  found  utterly  impossible?  Shall  it  be 
said  that  our  standard  is  below  theirs? 

You  can  not  build  prosperity  upon  a  debased  or  fluctuating  currency ; 
as  well  undertake  to  build  upon  the  changing  sands  of  the  sea. 

A  sound  currency  defrauds  no  one.  It  is  good  alike  in  the  hands  of  "^a'soulfcf cl"^ 
the  employe  and  the  employer,  the  laborer  and  the  capitalist.  Upon  '■^°'^^- 
faith  in  its  worth,  its  stability,  we  go  forward,  planning  for  the  future. 
The  capitalist  erects  his  factories,  acquires  his  materials,  employs  his 
artisans,  mechanics  and  laborers.  He  is  confident  that  his  margin  will 
not  be  swept  away  by  fluctuations  in  the  currency.  The  laborer  knows 
that  the  money  earned  by  his  toil  is  as  honest  as  his  labor,  and  that  it  is 
of  unquestioned  purchasing  power.  He  likewise  knows  that  it  requires 
as  much  labor  to  earn  a  poor  dollar  as  a  good  one ;  and  he  also  knows 
that  if  poor  money  is  abroad,  it  surely  finds  its  way  into  his  pocket. 

We  protest  against  lowering  our  standard  of  commercial  honor.    We    .j,j^^  standard 
stand  against  the  Democratic  attempt  to  degrade  our  currency  to  the  low  °Honor*Mu"r' 
level  of  Mexico,  China,  India  and  Japan.     The  present  high -standard  of  notbeLowered 
our  currency,  our  honor,  and  our  flag  will  be  sacredly   protected  and 
preserved  by  the  Republican  part}^ 

There  are  many  and  important  questions  requiring  the  enlightened 
and  patriotic  judgment  of  the  Republican  Party.  A  pan- American  com- 
mercial alliance  was  conceived  by  James  G.  Blaine,  and  the  highest 
motiv^es  of  self-interest  require  us  to  accomplish  what  he  had  so  well 
begun. 

The  Monroe  doctrine  must  be  firmly  upheld,  and  the  powers  of  the     Great  Ques- 

,  I  ,   •  1  -I  /TAi  i_  tions  of  Repub- 

earth  made  to  respect  this  great  but  unwritten  law.      i  here  can  be  no     ucan  Policy, 
further  territorial  aggrandizement  by  foreign  governments  on  the  Western 
Continent. 

Our  devotion  to  the  pensioners  of  the  nation  was  never  more 
emphatic  nor  more  necessary  than  now. 

The  Republican  party  believes  in  the  development  of  our  navy  and 
merchant  marine  until  we  establish  our  undisputed  supremacy  on  the 
high  seas. 

The  struggle  for  Cuban  liberty  enlists  the  ardent  sympathy  of  the 
Republican  party — a  party  which  has  given  to  liberty  its  fullest  meaning 
on  this  continent.  We  wish  to  see  a  new  republic  born  on  Cuban  soil 
greet  the  new  century  whose  dawn  is  already  pun^ling  the  east. 

My  friends,  the  campaign  of  1896  is  upon  us.     The  great  questions    issues  of  the 
for  debate  in  the  august  forum  of  the  United  States  are  free  trade  and      ^"f^*^"  ° 
free  silver  against  a  protective  tariff  and  sound  money.     As  we  regard 
our  homes  and  our  honor,  our  happiness  and  prosperity,  and  the  future 
power  and  majesty  of  the  republic,  let  us  dedicate  ourselves  to  theresto- 

97 


Rkpublican  National  Convention. 

ration  of  a  protective  ta'-iff  which  shall  be  genuinely  American,  and  to  the 
maintenance  of  an  honest  standard  of  value  with  which  to  measure  the 
exchanges  of  the  people. 

A  distinguished  Republican  has  said  that  the  supreme  desire  of  the 
American  people  is  for  an  "honest  currency  and  a  chance  to  earn  it  by 
honest  toil." 

Mr.  Carter,  of  Montana,  then  addressed  Temporary 
Chairman  Fairbanks  thus :  „ 

Temporary  Mr.  Chairman,  by  direction  of  the   National    Committee  I   recom- 

^convention'!'  mend  to  the  Convention  the  temporary  Secretary,  Stenographer,  Ser- 
geant-at -Arms,  Reading  Clerks,  as  follows: 

secretary: 
Chari.es  W.  Johnson,  of  Minnesota. 

ASSISTANT   secretaries: 

WiixiAM  R.  Rii.KV,  of  Kentucky.  A.  B.  Humphrey,  at  large. 

Harry  A.  Smith,  of  Michigan. 
A.  W.  Monroe,  of  Maryland,  as  Tally  Clerk. 

OFFICIAL  stenographer: 

James  Francis  Burke,  of  Pennsylvania. 

SERGEANT-AT- ARMS : 

T.  E.  Byrnes,  of  Minnesota. 

ASSISTANTS: 
G.  W.  WisvvELL,  of  Wisconsin.  W.  P.  HuxFORD,  of  Washington. 

W.  W.  Johnson,  of  Maryland.  Chas.  E.  Stone,  of  Illinois. 

READING  clerks: 

J.  H.  Stone,  of  Michigan.  John  R.  Malloy,  of  Ohio. 

F.  H.  Wilson,  of  Missouri.  R.  S.  Hatch,  of  Indiana. 

J.  B.  Bean,  of  New  Jersey. 

These  names  are  suggested  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Conven- 
tion for  the  respective  offices  indicated. 

The  Chairman:  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  you  have  heard 
the  recommendation  of  the  National  Committee;  all  in  favor  of  approv- 
ing the  recommendation  will  signify  the  same  by  saying  aye.  The 
motion  prevailed. 

On  motion  of  William  Lamb,  one  of  Virginia's  Dele- 
gates, the  Convention  decided  to  be  governed  by  the  rules  of 
the  National  Convention  of  1892,  until  a  permanent  organi- 
zation was  effected. 

Also  on  motion  of  Mr.  Lamb,  the  roll  of  States  and 
Territories  was  called,  and  the  Chairman  of  each  State  Dele- 
gation announced  the  names  of  the  persons  selected  by  each 
as  members  of  these  four  Committees :  Permanent  Organi- 
zation, Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  Credentials,  and 
Resolutions : 

98 


The  Conunit- 
tees  Fonucd. 


Republican  National  Convention 


These  were  the  members  selected  to  compose  the  Com- 
mittees : 


Alabama — J.  Dawson. 
Alaska — J.  W.  Young. 
Arizona — Isaac  C.  Stoddart. 
Arkansas — R.  L.  Reimel. 
Colorado — J.  W.  Rockefellow. 
California — O.  A.  Hale. 
CoNNECTicrT — James  M.  Cheney. 
Delaware — (Contest  pending.) 
District  of  Columbi.a. — Perry  H.  Car- 
son. 
Florida — E.  F.  Skinner. 
Georgia — B.  F.  Brownberry. 
Id.\ho — Alex.  Robertson. 
Illinois— ^J.  O.  Humphrey. 
Indiana — O.  L.  Montgomer}'. 
Indi.^n  Territory — R.  E.  Ross. 
Io\v.\— E.  C.  Roach. 
K.\NS.\S — Grant  Hornady. 
Kentucky — L.  C.  Neat. 
Louisiana — J.  L.  Donnelley. 
Maine— M.  M.  Nash. 
MARYL.A.ND — \V.  J.  Smale. 
Mass.achusetts — R.  O.  Harris. 
MiCHiG.\N — Frank  W.  Wait. 
MiNNESOT.A — L.  S.  Swenson. 
Mississippi — Wesley  Creighton. 


Missouri — Samuel  Jordan. 
Montana — J.  W.  Strevels. 
Nebrask.a — George  H.  Thummell. 
Nevada — C.  H.  Sproule. 
New  Hampshire — J.  H.  Brewer. 
New  York — W.  L.  Preston. 
New  Jersey — Thomas  McEwan. 
New  Mexico — John  S.  Clark. 
North  Carolin.a. — W.  T.  O'Brien. 
North  Dakot.\ — O.  S.  Hanson. 
Ohio — C.  H.  Grosvenor. 
Oklahoma  Territory — J.  C.  Roberts. 
Oregon — J.  W'.  Meldrum. 
Pennsylvania — Charles  H.  Mullen. 
Rhode  Island — Col.  E.  Charles  Francis. 
South  Carolina — T.  B.  Johnson. 
South  Dakota— H.  T.  McChun. 
Tennessee — W.  M.  Randolph. 
Texas— H.  L.  Grace. 
Utah — .Arthur  Bruns. 
Vermont — Victor  P.  Spear. 
Virginia — Stith  Bowlin. 
Washington — R.  A.  Fairchilds. 
West  Virginia — Henry  Schmulbach. 
W^ISCONSIN— W.  D.  Hoard. 
Wyoming — Otto  Gramm. 


Committee 
on    Permanent 
Organization. 


Alabama — H.  A.  Carson. 
Al.^sk.a. — W.  A.  Kelly. 
Arizona — Charles  H.  Akers. 
Arkansas— W.  H.  H.  Clayton. 
CoLOR.\DO — James  M.  Downey. 
California — F.  B.  Short. 
Connecticut — John  M.  Douglas. 
Delaw.are — (Contest  pending). 
District  of  Columbi.a — Andrew   Glea- 

son. 
Florida — J.  N.  Combs. 
Georgia — E.  S.  Richardson. 
Id.\ho — Benjamin  E.  Rich. 
Illinois — Samuel  McKnight. 
Indi.\na — G.  L.  Van  Dusen. 
Indian  Territory — W.  T.  Morgan, 
low  .A. — H.  W.  Macomber. 
Kansas— T.  D.  Fitzpatrick. 
Kentucky — ^J.  L.  Butler. 
Louisiana — Mayor  Cohen. 
M.\INE — J.  T.  Davidson. 
Maryland — W.  D.  Straight. 
Massachusetts — W.  M.  Butler. 
MiCHiG.\N — John  P.  Starkweather. 
Minnesota — C.  L.  Sanderson. 
M1SSIS.SIPPI — W.  E.  Elgin. 


Missouri — Nathan  Frank. 
Montana— T.  C.  Marshall. 
Nebraska — F.  M.  Witherall. 
Nevad.a — G.  F.  Turrittin. 
New  Hampshire — Charles  T.  Neans. 
New  York — John  A.  Raines. 
New  Jersey — George  Hyers. 
New  Mexico — T.  D.  Burns. 
North  Carolin.\ — George  H.  White. 
North  Dakota — J.  W.  Devine. 
Ohio — George  W.  Wilson. 
Oklahoma  Territory— Charles  Day. 
Oregon— C has.  H.  Dodd. 
Pennsylvania — H.  H.  Bingham. 
Rhode  Island — Albert  C.  Chester. 
South  Carolin.\ — Robert  Moorman. 
South  Dakota— Carl  G.  Sherwood. 
Texas— J.  M.  McCormick. 
Tennessee — G.  T.  Shannon. 
Utah — Thomas  Kearns. 
Vermont — Orin  M.  Barber. 
Virginia — William  Lamb. 
Washington— L.  C.  Camer. 
West  Virginia — J.  L.  Hunt. 
Wlsconsin— C.  S.  Taylor. 
Wyoming — W.  F.  Briltain. 


Committee  on 
Rules  and  Or- 
der of  Business 


99 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Coniiniltffon 
Credentials. 


Alabama— N.  H.  Alexander. 
Alaska— C.  S.  Brenakett. 
Arizona- Charles  W.  Wright. 
Arkansas— Jacob  Trieber. 
Colorado — Frank  C.  Goiuly. 
California — George  A.  Knight. 
CoNNKCTiCTT — Hubert  Williams. 
Dklawark — (Contest  pending) . 
District  of  Coh?mkia— Perry  H.  Car- 
son. 
Florida— John  G.  Long. 
Georgia- T.  M.  Dent. 
Idaho — Lyttleton  Price. 
Illinois — W.  A.  Rosenberg. 
Indiana — A.  L.  Brick. 
Indian  Tkrritory — P.  L.  Soper. 
Iowa — W.  P.  Hepburn. 
Kansas — J.  F.  Land)ert. 
Khntickv— J.  H.  Haffey. 
Louisiana — Henry  Denias. 
Maink — Forest  Goodwin. 
Maryland — Robert  P.  Gardner. 
Massacuusktts — Jesse  M.  Gove. 
Michigan — Gen.  O.  L.  Spaulding. 
Minnksota — W.  P.  Hunt. 
Mississippi — A.  M.  Lee. 


Missouri — ^John  L.  Bittinger. 
Montana — Alexander  Matzell.     . 
Nkuraska — Gen.  John  C.  Cowen. 
Nkvada— W.  D.  Phillips. 
New  Hampshire — Charles  B.  Gaffney. 
New  York — W.  A.  Sutherland. 
New  Jersey — J.  Franklin  Fort. 
New  Mexico — W.  H.  H.  Llewellyn. 
North  Carolina — C.  J.  Harris. 
North  Dakota — George  Bingenheimer. 
Ohio — A.  C.  Thompson. 
Oklahoma  Territory — O.  A.  Mitcher. 
Oregon — Wallace  McComant. 
Pennsylvania — W.  H.  Andrews. 
Rhode  Island — W.  K.  Allen. 
South  Carolina — J.  H.  F'ordham. 
South  Dakota — M.  K.  Lucas. 
Tex.\s — Vacant. 
Tennessee — Vacant. 
Utah— C.  K.  Allen. 
Virginia — J.  M.  McLaughlin. 
Vermont— Vacant. 
Washington — J.  M.  Gilbert. 
West  Virginia — O.  W.  O.  Hardman. 
Wisconsin — G.  G.  Sedgwick. 
Wyoming — B.  B.  Brooks. 


Committee  on 
Resolutiuns. 


Alabama — H.  V.  Coshin. 
Alaska — C.  S.  Johnson. 
Arizon.a — J.  A.  Zabrinski. 
Arkansas — John  McClure. 
Colorado — H.  M.  Teller. 
California — A.  B.  Lemnion. 
Connecticut — Samuel  Fe.ssenden. 
Delaware — (Contest  pending) . 
District     of     Columbia — Andrew 

Gleason. 
Florida — I.  L.  Purcell. 
Georgia — W.  H.  Johnson. 
Idaho — 1'.  T.  Dubois. 
Illinois — R.  W.  Patterson. 
Indiana — Lew  Wallace. 
Indian  Territory— J.  P.  Grady. 
Iowa — John  H.  Gear. 
Kansa.s — C.  A.  Swenson. 
Kentixky — Leslie  Combs. 
IX)UISIANA — II.  C.  Warmouth. 
Maine — •\mos  L.  Allen. 
Maryland — James  A.  Gary. 
Massachusetts — Henry   Cabot    Lodge. 
Michigan — Mark  S.  Brewer. 
MiNNESOT.\ — W.  R.  ilerriam. 
Mississippi— E.  W.  Lampton. 


Missouri — F.  G.  Niedringhaus. 
Montana — Charles  S.  Hartman. 
Nebraska — Peter  Jansen. 
Nevada— A.  C.  Cleveland. 
New  Hampshire — Frank  S.  Streeth. 
New  York — Edward  Lauterbach. 
New  Jersey — Frank  Bergen. 
New  Mexico — Solomon  Luna. 
North  Carolina — M.  L.  Mott. 
North  Dakota— Alexander  Hughes. 
Ohio — J.  B.  Foraker. 
Oklahoma  Territory— Henry  E.  Asp. 
Oregon — Charles  S.  Moore. 
Pennsylvania — Smedlej*  Darlington. 
Rhode  Island — Walton  A.  Reed. 
South  Carolin.\ — W.  D.  Crum. 
South  Dakota— David  Williams. 
Ti:x.\s — Webster  Flanagan . 
Tennessee— Foster  B.  Brown. 
Utah— F.  J.  Cannon. 
Virgini.\— James  B.  Brady. 
Vermont— H.  D.  Holton. 
Washington— R.  F.  Burleigh. 
West  Virginia— F.  M.  Reynolds. 
Wi.scoNSiN— Robert  M.  Lafollette. 
Wyoming— D.  F.  Fowler. 


At  1:55  P.  M.  the  Convention   adjourned  till  10  o'clock 
A.  M.  Wednesday  the  17th. 


100 


Republican  National  Convention 


•'     ,*,  J    ••'*>'."<■ 


Second  Day's  Proceedings. 


The  Convention  was  called  to  order  on  Wednesday  at 
10.40  A.  M.  by  Temporary  Chairman  Fairbanks,  after  which 
Dr.  Wilbur  G.  Williams,  of  the  Union  M.  E.  Church,  St. 
Louis,  made  the  following  prayer: 


O,  thou  great  and  eternal  one;  thou  to  whom  all  hearts  are  open, 
all  desires  known,  and  from  whom  no  secrets  are  hid;  thou  who  hast 
been  oui  help  in  days  past,  who  must  be  our  helper  to-day,  and  who  art 
our  hope  for  the  j-ears  to  come ;   we  bring  to  thee  our  prayers. 

We  pray  thee  to  be  with  us  as  thou  wert  with  our  fathers  when  in 
the  day  of  small  things  they  stood  resolutely  in  the  land  and  laid  the 
foundations  in  this  Western  continent  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  We 
pray  to  thee,  who  hast  guided  us,  the  people,  in  our  peril.  We  pray  to 
the  God  of  Washington  and  of  Lincoln ;  we  pray  to  the  God  who  has 
been  with  us  as  an  agent  from  Plymouth  Rock  to  this  hour.  We  praj^ 
to-day,  as  thou  wast  with  the  founders  of  this  great  historic  organization, 
when  in  high  dedication  of  themselves  the}'  took  a  larger  conception  and 
a  higher  conception  of  the  rights  of  man  to  find  a  larger  nation  for  civili- 
zation in  this  Western  world — we  come  to  thee,  O  God,  asking  thy 
blessing  upon  these  successors  of  the  noble  fathers,  who  are  assembled 
here  to-day.  We  ask  that  they  may  maintain  the  same  high  idea  of 
their  duties  that  guided  their  worthy  and  noble  ancestry-.  May  these 
men  be  dedicated  to  thee.  May  the}'  do  what  the}' have  to  do  in  accord- 
ance with  the  will  of  the  Supreme  Ruler.  We  pray  that  the  platform 
presented  here  may  be  framed  in  righteousness;  that  the  principles 
promulgated  in  this  council  may  be  consonant  with  the  principles  of  the 
great  divine  will  revealed  to  man. 

We  ask  thee,  O  God,  that  thy  blessing  shall  rest  u]ion  the  people  of 
this  great  Nation  represented  here  to-day.  We  ask  thee,  O  God,  that 
the  men  whom  this  council  shall  place  before  the  people  of  this  great 
Nation  to  represent  their  thought  and  their  programme  may  be  men  after 
thine  own  heart,  to  whom  the  high  behest  of  duty  shall  be  but  the  voice 
of  God ;  men  whom  thou  dost  approve  and  who  shall  seek  here  in  this 
country  the  establishment  of  that  kingdom  which,  coming  down  out  of 


Invocation  to 

the  God  of 

Washington 

and  Lincoln. 


Blessing  on 

the  People 

.\sked. 


101 


...  ,:  .         Republican  National  Convention. 

.Jieavetv,  is  td'he  builded  until  it  shall  include  all  nations  and  all  institu- 

•'-•  '  !•' : .'•' : '■  .fionft  oii'tliis- earth. 

We  a.sk  thee  to  guide  in  the  deliberations  of  this  day,  and  of  this 
('iiuianc/Vor  ^"^ire  Couventiou,  and  so  guide  in  the  future  of  this  historic  organization 
the K.M'"hiican  tji^t  this  countrv  of  ours,  over  which  once  brooded  war's  dark  cloud, 
which  was  once  endangered  by  belligerent  factions,  and  which  now, 
thanks  be  unto  thy  good  Providence,  has  become  united,  purified  ])y  her 
trials,  stronger  by  the  struggles  she  has  endured,  shall  forevermore  be 
the  fit  champion  of  mankind  in  the  earth,  and  the  leader  of  the  world  in 
the  works  of  man.  And  all  this  we  ask,  in  the  name  and  for  the  name 
of  the  world's  Redeemer  and  Savior,  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord.     Amen. 

After  the  prayer  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  was  presented.  The  Committee  selected  the 
following  as  permanent  officers  of  the  Convention,  subject  to 
the  ratification  of  that  body. 


The  Conven- 
tion's I'erina- 
nent  Officers. 


PRESIDENT: 

John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska. 


John  \V.  Jones,  of  Alabama. 

M.  W.  Gibus,  of  Arkansas. 

U.  S.  Grant,  of  California. 

A.  M.  Stevenson,  of  Colorado. 

John  J.  Hutchinson,  of  Kentucky.  • 

Lemuei^  W.  Livingstone,  of  Colorado. 

A.  J.  Ricker,  of  Georgia. 

B.  F.  Polk,  of  Indiana. 
M.  M.  Monroe,  of  Kansas. 
E.  C.  Burleigh,  of  Maine. 
Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  of  Massachusetts. 
Chas.  r.  IIendrix,  of  Minnesota. 
Thomas  C.  Marshall,  of  Nevada. 
Franklin  MuRi'HV,  of  New  Jersey. 
J.  W.  Fortune,  of  North  Carolina. 
Frank  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Rouert  Smalls,  of  South  Carolina. 
Zacharv  Taylor,  of  Tennessee. 
\V.  S.  McCoRMiCK,  of  I'tah. 


vice-presidents: 

John  Anker,  of  Virginia. 

J.  W.  Crawford,  of  West  Virginia. 

Otto  Kramer,  of  Wyoming. 

T.  B.  Burns,  of  New  Mexico. 

JosiCPH  W^  Fifer,  of  Illinois. 

L.  B.  Wilson,  of  Iowa. 

W.  G.  Hunter,  of  Kentucky. 

William  P.  Malster,  of  Maryland. 

William  McPherson,  of  Wisconsin. 

Nath.\n  Frank,  of  Missouri. 

Thomas  P.  Kennard,  of  Nebraska. 

John  A.  Spaulding,  of  New  Hampshire. 

John  T.  Mott,  of  New  York. 

J.  W.  Devine,  of  North  Dakota. 

David  Meisner,  of  South  Dakota. 

E.  C.  Smith,  of  Vermont. 

Albert  Goldm.\n,  of  Washington. 

James  H.  Stout,  of  Wi-sconsin. 

John  M.  Fair,  of  Arizona. 


John  I.  Dille,  of  Oklahoma. 

secretary : 
Chas.  W.  Johnson,  of  Minnesota. 


assistant  secretaries: 
W.  R.  Riley,  of  Kentucky.  H.  A.  Smith,  of  Michigan. 


.A.  W.  Monroe,  of  Maryland. 


A.  B.  Humphrey,  of  New  York. 


official  stenographer: 
James  Francis  Burke,  of  Pennsvlvania. 


102 


Republican  National  Convention. 

SERGEANT- AT- arms: 

T.  E.  Byrnes,  of  Minnesota. 

assistants: 
George  W.  Wiswell,  of  Wisconsin.  W.  P.  Huxford,  of  Washington. 

W.  W.  Johnson,  of  Maryland.  Chas.  E.  Stone,  of  Illinois. 

George  F.  Smith,  of  Oklahoma. 

reading  clerks: 
J.  H.  Stone,  of  Michigan.  John  R.  Malloy,  of  Ohio. 

F.  H.  Wilson,  of  Missouri.  R.  S.  Hatch,  of  Indiana. 

John  B.  Be.'K^n,  of  New  Jersey. 

The  report  was  accepted. 

The  permanent  presiding  officer  then  came  forward  and 
spoke  as  follows : 

PERMANENT   PRESIDENT  THURSTON 'S   ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  The  happy  memory  of  your  "^heco^oplra"' 
kindness  and  confidence  will  abide  in  my  grateful  heart  forever.  My  comenUon 
sole  ambition  is  to  meet  your  expectations,  and  I  pledge  myself  to 
exercise  the  important  power  of  this  high  office  with  absolute  justice  and 
impartiality.  I  bespeak  your  cordial  co-operation  and  support,  to  the 
end  that  our  proceedings  may  be  orderly  and  dignified,  as  befits  the 
deliberations  of  the  Supreme  council  of  the  Republican  party. 

Eight  years  ago  I  had  the  distinguished  honor  to  preside  over  the 
Convention  which  nominated  the  last  Republican  President  of  the  United 
States.  To-day  I  have  the  further  distinguished  honor  to  preside  over 
the  Convention  which  is  to  nominate  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States.  This  generation  has  had  its  object  lesson,  and  the  doom  of  the 
Democratic  party  is  already  pronounced.  The  American  people  will 
return  the  Republican  party  to  power  because  they  know  that  its 
administration  will  mean : 

What  Republi- 

The  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Tration  win 

The  maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

The  protection  of  every  American  citizen  in  his  right  to  live,  to 
labor  and  to  vote. 

A  vigorous  foreign  policy. 

The  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

The  restoration  of  our  merchant  marine. 

Safety  under  the  stars  and  stripes  on  ever>'  sea,  in  every  port. 

A  revenue  adequate  for  all  governmental  expenditures  and  the 
gradual  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt. 

A  currency  as  "sound  as  the  Government  and  as  untarnished  as  its 
honor,"  whose  dollars,  whether  of  gold  or  silver,  or  paper,  shall  have 

103 


Mean. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

equal  purchasing  and  debt -paying  power  with  the  best  dollars  of  the 
civilized  world. 

A  protective  tariff  which  protects,  coupled  with  reciprocity  which 
reciprocates,  thereby  securing  the  best  market  for  American  products 
and  opening  American  factories  to  the  free  coinage  of  American  muscle. 

Measures  of  A  pcusiou  policy  just  and  generous  to  our  living  heroes  and  to  the 

^Policy*!*"     widows  and  orphans  of  their  dead  comrades. 

The  governmental  supervision  and  control  of  transportation  lines 
and  rates. 

The  protection  of  the  public  from  all  unlawful  combinations  and 
unjust  exaction  of  aggregated  capital  and  corporated  power. 

An  American  welcome  to  every  God-fearing,  liberty -loving.  Con- 
stitution-respecting, law-abiding,  labor-seeking,  decent  man. 

The  exclusion  of  all  whose  birth,  whose  blood,  who.se  condition, 
whose  teaching,  whose  practices  menace  the  permanency  of  free  institu- 
tions, endanger  the  .safety  of  American  society,  or  lessen  the  opportu- 
nities of  American  labor. 

The  abolition  of  sectionalism — every  star  in  the  American  flag 
shining  for  the  honor  and  welfare  and  happiness  of  every  common- 
wealth and  of  all  the  i)eople. 

A  deathless  loyalty  to  all  that  is  truly  American,  and  a  patriotism 
as  eternal  as  the  stars. 

At  the  conclusion  of  President  Thurston's  address  an 
adjournment  was  had  until  2  o'clock  p.  m. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION. 

At  2:40  p.  M.  President  Thurston  called  the  Convention 
to  order,  and  Bishop  Arnett,  President  of  Wilberforce  College, 
Ohio,  made  the  following  prayer: 

Thanks  for  ^  Lord,  our  Heavenly  Father,   the   Father  of  our  Lord  and  Savior 

Divine  Favors    j^g^g  Christ,  the  Maker  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible,  the  Judge  of 

all  men,  we  come  before  thee  this  afternoon  to  thank  thee  for  life   and 

health  and  the  blessings  of  liberty  which  have  been  secured  to  us  by  our 

fathers  in  the  daj'S  that  are  gone. 

We  invoke  thy  divine  blessing  upon  our  land  and  upon  our  countrj-. 
We  thank  thee  for  the  institutions  of  our  countr}'.  We  thank  thee  for 
the  opportunities  that  thou  hast  given  to  thy  children  of  every  race  and 
condition  in  this  land,  that  they  may  enjoy  the  blessings  of  life,  liberty 

104 


Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachisktts. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Accept  our  thanks,  we  pray  thee,  for 
this  organization  that  has  assembled  here  to-day,  representing  the 
culture,  wealth  and  refinement  of  more  than  forty  centuries  of  intellectual 
effort.  We  thank  thee,  O  Lord,  for  the  blessings  that  we  enjoj-,  and 
we  ask  thj'  special  favor  upon  those  engaged  in  this  work,  and  bless 
them  as  thou  didst  their  fathers  and  those  that  preceded  them.  We 
thank  thee  for  this  organization,  and  we  thank  thee  for  the  men  of  the 
past,  and  for  the  men  of  the  present.  We  thank  thee  that  thou  didst 
give  us  a  Lincoln  who  broke  the  fetters  from  the  limbs  of  four  millions 
and  a  half  of  people.  We  thank  thee  for  this  organization,  and  we  ask 
thee,  O  Lord,  that  thy  blessings  may  rest  upon  the  persons  nominated 
by  this  bod}'.  May  thej'  be  men  representing  the  principles  of  religion, 
morality  and  education,  who  go  forth  to  the  conquest  of  the  great 
principles  now  underh-ing  the  institutions  of  our  country. 

These  and  all  other  blessings  we  ask  to  rest  upon  this  organization, 
the  President  of  the  organization,  the  members  of  the  organization;  and    voted 'fo^ ^uie 
grant,  O  Lord,  that  the  victories  to  be  gained  in  the  future  may  redound  P^ny. 

to  the  blessing  of  everj'  citizen  of  this  great  land  of  ours,  and  may 
protection  and  liberty  and  civil  and  political  rights  be  secured  to  every 
man,  woman  and  child  from  the  lakes  of  the  North  to  the  Gulf  on  the 
South;  and  when  we  have  accomplished  all,  ma}'  thy  blessings  rest 
upon  us  and  our  country  and  its  flag,  and  the  glory  shall  be  thine 
forever.     Amen. 

Then  came  the  first  figlit  of  the  Convention,  that  on  the 
reports  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  There  were  two  ^"^^^^^^'^^^j^ 
reports,  the  contests  for  seats  in  the  Delaware  and  Texas  cuney  cases, 
delegations  being  the  principal  subject  of  controversy.  The 
majority  report  favored  the  seating  of  the  Higgins  delegation 
of  Delaware,  and  the  Grant  delegation  of  Texas.  It  also 
indorsed  the  action  of  the  National  Committee  in  that  body's 
preparation  of  the  temporary  roll  of  delegates.  The  minority 
report  favored  the  seating  of  the  Addicks  delegation  in  Dela- 
ware and  the  Cuney  delegation  in  Texas,  and  questioned  the 
justice  of  the  National  Committee's  course  in  the  disposal  of 
the  contested  cases. 

Here  is  the  majorit}^  report,  as  presented  by  the  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials : 

THE    MAJORITY    REPORT. 

Mr.   Fort,  of  New  Jersey :    Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the     work  of  the 
Convention,  I  present  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  by  its        *'™™' 
direction : 

105 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Your  Committee  on  Credentials  respectfnll}^  report  that  they  met 
immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  session  of  the  Convention  on 
the  16th  inst.,  and  organized  by  the  selection  of  the  officers  of  the 
Conunittee,  and  since  that  time  we  have  been  giving  diligent  attention  to 
the  business  of  the  Committee.  Your  Committee  would  report  its  action 
in  the  cases  before  it  with  its  recommendation  therein. 
Tm  Dciaxvarc  ^^  ^°  ^^'^  State  of    Delaware,  the   right   to  represent   the  State  of 

wrauKic.  Delaware  in  this  Convention  was  claimed  by  two  full  sets  of  delegates. 
Patient  and  full  attention  was  given  to  the  hearing  of  this  case.  The 
contestants  for  the  right  to  represent  that  State  in  this  Convention  will 
be  designated  as  the  Anthony  Higgins  delegation  and  the  J.  Edward 
Addicks  delegation. 

Your  Conmiittee  recommends  that  the  following  persons  be  seated 
as  the  delegates  and  alternates  from  the  State  of  Delaware.  I  will  not 
read  them  all,  simply  read  the  name  as  designated  in  the  report:  The 
delegation  of  delegates  and  alternates  headed  by  Anthony  Higgins. 

In  the  contest  in  the  State  of  Texas  for  delegates  at  large  from  that 
^'piglTt*^^      State,  your  Committee  gave  attention  to  that  case  and  heard  the  contest- 
ing  delegations  whom   we  will  style  as  the  Cuney  delegation  and  the 
Grant  delegation.     We  recommend  that  the  delegates  and  alternates  at 
large  from  Texas  headed  by  John  Grant  be  admitted  to  this  Convention. 

The  rest  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  will  be  read  by  the  Secretary. 

The  Secretary  (reading)  :  As  to  other  matters  of  contest  presented 
to  your  Committee,  notice  of  which  was  given  to  the  National  Committee 
and  heard  by  it,  we  recommend  that  the  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates 
to  the  Convention  from  the  several  States  and  Territories  and  the 
District  of  Columbia  as  prepared  by  the  National  Committee  for  the 
temporary  organization  be  approved  as  the  permanent  roll  of  delegates 
and  alternates  of  this  Convention.  A  copy  of  the  roll  of  delegates  and 
alternates  as  .so  adopted  by  this  Committee  is  herewith  .submitted. 
Respectfully  presented  for  the  Committee  and  by  its  order. 

J.  Franklin  Fort, 
Chairman   Committee  on   Credentials. 

Here  is  the  report  of  the  minority  of  the  Committee,  as 
presented  by  Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa: 

the  minority  report. 

^^Ttmnitu""'  Mr.    President  and   Gentlemen   of  the   Convention:    The 

undersigned  members  of  your  Committee  on  Credentials  dissent  from  the 
re])ort  of  the  majority  of  the  Committee  in  this:  We  are  unwilling  to 
accejit  the  roll  of  delegates  as  made  up  by  the  National  Committee.  The 
National  Committee  did  not  attempt  to  consider  the  merits  of  the  cases 

106 


Attacked. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

presented  by  any  of  the  160  odd  contestants,  only  the  regularity  of  the 
credentials  presented  beinj^  passed  upon  by  the  National  Committee. 

I  am  informed  that  in  the  consideration  of  the  contested  cases 
before  the  National  Committee  it  was  distinctly  and  repeatedly  stated 
/that  the  action  of  the  Committee  was  only  to  secure  a  prima  facie  roll, 
and  that  the  contestants  would  each  have  an  opportunity  to  be  heard 
upon  the  merits  of  the  case  before  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  when 
appointed. 

None  of  these  contestants,  except  those  from  Delaware  and  those  '^y,^  Delaware 
from    the   State  at  large  from  Texas,  have  had  any  hearing  upon    the      "conSu.* 
issues    made  here  before    any  competent  tribunal.     In  those  two  cases  • 
heard  by  your  Committee  on  Credentials  not  one  word  of  the  testimony 
adduced  was  read  before  your  Committee.     Affidavits  were  filed  there  by 
the  score,  but  no  man  knows  what  they  contained,  save  as  their  contents 
are  stated  by  the  gentleman  making  the  arguments  on  the  one  side  or  the 
other. 

Your  Committee  on  Credentials  persistently  voted  down  proposi- 
tions, specifically,  to  investigate  cases  from  Texas  other  than  those  from 
the  State  at  large ;  those  from  the  State  of  California ;  those  from  the 
State  of  Louisiana,  and  one  gentleman,  a  contestant,  from  the  State  at 
large  of  Louisiana,  makes  the  statement  that  he  has  never  had  even  a 
hearing  upon  which  to  base  a  prima  facie  case  made  up  by  the  National 
Committee ;  that  he  was  not  in  the  city  until  after  his  case  had  been 
heard,  and  that  his  lips  have  been  at  all  times  sealed — from  the  State  of 
Louisiana,  from  the  State  of  Alabama,  and  from  the  Twelfth  District  of 
Missouri.  I  say  there  has  been  no  investigation  of  any  of  these  cases,* 
except  from  the  State  of  Delaware,  and  four  from  the  State  of  Texas; 
and  more  than  160  Republicans — delegates,  as  they  claim,  with  their* 
credentials — are  crowding  now  to  be  heard,  in  order  that  the  verities 
involved  may  be  properly  ascertained. 

We  deem  it  to  be  a  most  dangerous  precedent  to  permit  the  National  •  Dangerous 
Committee  to  pass   final  judgment  on  the  election  and  qualification  of     i^^v^rhythe 
members  of  a  National  Convention.     This  dangerous  exercise  of  power  ^"'mrttee^"™ 
ought    not   to   be    submitted   to  by   any  body   of    men,  but  should   be 
retained  in  the  hands  of  the  Convention.  * 

We,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  delegation  from  the  State  of 
Delaware,  headed  by  J.  Edward  Addicks,  with  their  alternates,  be  seated; 
that  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  Texas,  headed  by  N.  W.  Cuney.t 
with  their  alternates,  be  seated;  and  that  the  other  cases  in  which; 
hearing  has  up  to  this  time  been  denied  be  recommitted  to  the  Committee: 
on  Credentials,  with  instructions  to  perform  its  duties,  and  to  hear  andi 
report  upon  the  cases. 

107 


Republican  National  Convention. 

The  previous  question  being  moved  on  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials,  and  a  roll  call  being  demanded, 
the  States  aligned  themselves  thus  on  this  motion : 


The  Nfltional 
Committee 
SuHtained. 


Number 
State.  Dbleoates. 

VOTINC 

Alabama      22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado    8 

connkcticut 12 

Dklawark 6      N 

Florida   8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kkntucky  .   .  ' 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

MaSSACHUvSETTS 30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota     18 

Mississippi      18 

Missouri     34 

Montana 6 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 6 

New  Hampshire     8 

New  Jersey 20 

New  York 72 

North  Carolina     22 

North  Dakota 6 

Ohio 46 

Oregon    8 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina 18 

South  Dakota 8 

Tennessee     24 

Texas 30 

Utah     6 

Vermont     8 

Virginia 24 

Washington 8 

West  Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 24 

Wyoming 6 

Arizona 6 

New  Mexico 6 

Oklahoma  6 

Indian  Territory 6 

District  ok  Columbia 2 

Alaska    2 

Totals 905         545  J 


Yea. 

Nav. 

19 

3 

16 

7 

11 

8 

12 

o  vote. 

7 

1 

20 

6 

6 

30 

18 

27 

3 

26 

20 

23 

3 

11 

5 

12 

16 

2 

28 

28 

... 

18 

12 

6 

20 

14 

1 

5 

16 

1 

5 

8 

20 

19 

52 

16 'o 

5>8 

6 

46 

8 

5 

59 

8 

18 

8 

23 

i 

16 

8 

6 

4 

3 

23 

1 

8 

... 

12 

24 

6 

4 

2 

1 

5 

4 

2 

6 

2 

... 

2 

.  . 

359j 


Chairman  Thurston  announced  that  the  yeas  had  it,  and 
that  the  discussion  of  the  report  would  now  proceed  under  the 
rules.     He  then  called  Mr.  Fort. 


108 


Republican  National  Convention. 

FORT   TALKS    FOR   THE   MAJORITY. 

Mr.   Fort,   of  New  Jersey:     The  minority  report  involves  three 
propositions.      I  propose  to  take  just  five   minutes  in  discussing  the 
question,  and  then  yield  five  minutes  of  my  time  to  Mr.  Yerkes,  of  Ken-    ^^^  Minont 
tucky,  to  discuss  the  Delaware  case,  and  ten  minutes  to  Gen.  Grosvenor      '*''^''a][*d^'' 
to  close  the  debate.     The  three  propositions  of  the  minority  report  are 
these : 

1.  Open  all  contests  on  the  temporary  roll  fixed  by  the  National 
Committee. 

2.  Seat  Addicks   delegates   in    Delaware    instead   of    the    Higgins 
delegates. 

3.  Seat  Cuney  delegates  in  Texas  instead  of  the  Grant  delegates.      • 
Now,  as  to  the  first  proposition  :    The  Committee  on  Credentials  has 

worked  diligently  since  we'organized  yesterday.  By  a  large  vote — 31  to 
14 — we  determined  to  accept  the  roll  as  made  up  by  the  National 
Committee,  with  the  exception  of  the  Delaware  and  Texas  cases,  upon 
which  they  had  taken  no  action  excepting  to  refer  them  to  us.  One  • 
hundred  and  sixty  men  appeared  before  the  National  Committee  by 
counsel  or  otherwise.  They  all  had  opportunity  to  be  heard.  They  all 
were  heard.  They  were  heard  longer  than  your  Committee  could  hear 
them  unless  they  sat  in  session  for  a  full  week,  and  if  we  gave  them  all 
the  time  they  asked  this  Convention  would  sit  here  for  three  months.         * 

There  are  printed  briefs  in  these  contests  of  400  and  500  pages.  In 
a  single  instance  we  have  heard  them,  and  we  have  taken  their  statement 
of  what  the  evidence  in  the  record  was.  It  could  not  be  read.  It  never^ 
was  read  by  a  National  Committee  or  b-y  a  Committee  on  Credentials  in 
a  National  Convention.  We  presume  that  every  Republican,  whether  a 
contestant  or  a  sitting  member,  when  he  stated  his  case  here,  stated  the] 
truth.  And  if  he  stated  the  truth,  and  if  each  of  them  stated  the  truth, 
reaching  a  conclusion  from  that  statement,  we  have  a  right  to  see  that 
the  temporary  roll  of  the  Convention  shall  stand. 

It  will  be  said  that  these  gentlemen  were  not  heard  at  all  before  the 
Committee.  It  was  stated  in  the  Committee  that  almost  all  of  the  contes- 
tants were  satisfied  with  the  determination  of  the  National  Committee,  * 
and  it  was  also  stated  that  the  National  Committee  reached  its  conclusion 
by  almost  a  unanimous  vote  in  most  of  the  cases.  The  closest  vote  in  * 
that  Committee  was  in  the  State  of  New  York,  and  the  State  of  New 
York,  through  its  representative  in  our  Committee,  said  there  were  no 
contests  to  be  heard  from  New  York.     We  have  tried  to  be  fair. 

The  Committee  did  not  railroad  this  case.     We  gave  Delaware  two  Appeal  for  m 
hours  and  a  half  in  the  hearing,  limiting  them  to  an  hour  a  side,  and    thrsaUonai 
they  took  a  half  hour  more.     We  gave  Texas  over  two  hours  in  the    *^°Action.^^ 
hearing  of  their  case,  and  we  spent  the  rest  of  the  time  in  the  discussion 
of  the  resolution  adopted,  and  the  cases.     We  come  to  you  then  on  tne 
general  proposition  of  the  minority  report  first,  and  ask  you  to  confirm 

109 


Testimony 

Taken  in  the 

Contests. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

the  temporary  roll,  made  up  with  great  care,  great  judgment  and  great 
discretion  by  your  National  Committee.  They  are  honest  men,  they  are 
good  Republicans,  they  are  selected  from  the  States,  and  they  gave  a 
careful  hearing,  and  a  prima  facie  case  is  at  least  made  out  by  the  deter- 
mination of  that  Committee. 
•ca*iest«u'i  Second— I  have  but  three  minutes  to  talk  about  it  in,  and  I  will  try 

to  do  it — the  Texas  ca.se.  Texas  held  a  State  Convention  to  elect  dele- 
gates at  large.  Mr.  Cuney  was  elected  temporary  Chairman  fairly  and 
legally.  He  assumed  the  chair,  he  proceeded  in  the  temporary  organiza- 
tion ;  the  temporary  organization  was  made  permanent  under  protest  and 
without  a  roll-call,  and  from  the  time  that  Cuney  took  the  chair  until  he 
declared  the  Convention  adjourned  he  refused  the  roll-call  in  that 
Convention,  no  matter  who  made  it,  when  or  where.  Every  man  that 
moved  a  roll-call  on  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  every 
man  that  moved  a  roll-call  on  the  permanent  organization,  every  man  that 
moved  a  roll-call  on  any  question,  was  ruled  out  of  order.  And  then 
they  passed  a  resolution  to  elect  four  delegates  at  large,  Cuney  at  the 
head,  and  they  put  that  through  by  a  viva  voce  vote,  with  another  man 
that  Cuney  put  in  the  chair  to  do  up  the  business,  and  despite  all 
protest,  no  roll-call.  Then  somebody  moved  to  adjourn,  and  the  affi- 
davits are  here,  stacks  of  them,  that  Cuney  refused  to  recognize  anj'body 
on  a  motion  to  adjourn,  to  accept  a  roll-call,  and  he  declared  the  Con- 
vention adjourned,  went  out  with  his  hat,  and  took  the  Convention  with 
him. 

Well,  I  must  finish.     Now,  641  delegates  sat  in  Cuney 's  Conven- 
tion, and  there  were  onl}'  801  altogether;   and  the  641  delegates  organized 
another  Convention,  and  by  a  unanimous  vote  elected  the  four  men  who 
ask  you  for  seats  here.     That  is  all. 
•  The  i)cia%vare  Now,  if  Mr.  Ycrkcs  will  come  forward  and  be  here  in  a  moment, 

after  I  shall  state  the  case  of  Delaware  as  well  as  I  can  in  that  time,  he 
may  be  heard.  In  the  meantime,  I  will  state  the  case  as  briefly  as  I  can. 
The  Committee  decided  by  a  majority  vote  to  recommend  that  the  Higgins 
delegates  be  seated.  They  have  done  it  because  in  that  State  it  is 
claimed  by  the  Republicans  before  us  that  the  delegates  headed  by 
J.  Addicks  did  not  represent  the  Republican  party  of  Delaware  or  any- 
where else.  There  was  the  same  kind  of  procedure  largely  in  the  Con- 
vention— no  roll-call,  hilarity,  excitement,  turbulence,  force  and  victory 
for  the  dominant  faction. 
The  Addicks  ^^  State  this :  That  the  records  before  us  show  that  Mr.  Addicks 
Denoun"cd.  ^^^^  entered  into  a  combination  in  Delaware  to  combine  four  men  in  the 
Legislature  of  Delaware  and  unite  with  the  Democratic  party  and  a  Dem- 
ocratic Governor  in  order  to  allow  no  Republican  United  States  Senator 
to  be  elected  from  that  State.  The  fact  of  the  matter  is  simply  this :  A 
majority  of  that  Committee  believe  under  the  evidence  in  this  cause  that 
Mr.  Addicks  and  his  party  in  Delaware  were  highwaj'men  on  the  road  to 
political  fortune,  no  matter  what  was  the  result  to  the  Republican  party. 

110 


Republican  National  Convention. 

To  rebuke  what  the  United  States  Senate  by  a  vote  of  every  Repub- 
lican in  that  body  tried  to  do  to  save  the  State  when  Addicks  did  wrong, 
to  rebuke  Addicks  in  defeating  Dupont,  we  seat  Dupont  in  this  Conven- 
tion as  a  delegate  from  Delaware  with  the  rest  of  them. 

The  Chairman  :    The  Chair  presents  Mr.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky. 

Mr.  Yerkes:  There  are,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  two  sets  of  '^^Aadfck"'" 
contesting  delegates  from  the  State  of  Delaware,  one  headed  by  ex -Senator 
Higgins,  the  only  Republican  ever  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
from  that  State;  the  other  headed  by  J.  Edward  Addicks,  the  only 
Republican,  so  called,  who  prevented  the  election  of  a  Republican 
Senator  from  that  State.  Upon  the  roll  with  ex -Senator  Higgins  we  find 
the  name  of  Col.  Dupont,  who,  by  thirty -nine  votes  of  Republican  United 
States  Senators,  and  by  every  Republican  vote  in  that  Senate,  was  affirmed 
to  be  the  man  elected  by  the  Republicans  of  Delaware  to  the  Senate 
chamber  to  succeed  ex -Senator  Higgins. 

Now,  I  admit  that  this  Convention  bj^  the  rules  of  its  own  organiz- 
ation, is  by  necessitJ^  not  only  the  judge  of  the  election  of  its  members, 
but  of  them  and  of  the  propriety  of  their  admission  to  a  seat  upon  its 
own  floor.  I  admit  further  that  so.  far  as  the  face  of  the  returns  is  con- 
cerned, that  Addicks  has  a  prima  facie  case.  But  offset  that  for  a 
moment,  although  it  may  not  be  argument,  by  the  recollection  that  the 
National  Committee,  in  its  wisdom,  saw  fit  to  refuse  a  seat  upon  the 
floor  of  this  Convention  to  those  gentlemen  having  that  prima  facie  case. 
Backed  up  as  they  were  in  that  view  by  the  decision  of  your  own  Com  - 
mittee  on  Credentials  by  a  vote  of  31  to  14,  not  only  refusing  Addicks  a 
seat  in  this  Convention,  and  those  with  him,  but  absolutely  seating 
ex -Senator  Higgins,  Col.  Dupont  and  their  associates.  There  must  be  The  Addicks 
some  reason  for  this.  Certainly  your  two  Committees  would  not  have  of^Bnbenr. 
acted  without  foundation,  reason  and  cause.  Now,  why  was  it?  We 
afiirm,  and  the  record  is  here  and  shows  it,  that  the  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates to  the  State  Convention  of  Delaware,  wherein  Mr.  Addicks  had  a 
majority  of  forty  alone,  was  secured  by  the  use  of  money  in  bribing  and 
in  buying  votes.  Here  are  the  affidavits  presented  to  the  National 
Committee  and  presented  to  your  Committee  on  Credentials,  as  I  am 
informed. 

Now,  gentlemen,  there  are  only  three  waj's  of  securing  an  election, 
as  was  said  by  a  distinguished  citizen  of  New  York;  first,  by  the  free 
choice  of  the  electors;  second,  by  force,  and  fraud  and  bribery  are  con- 
stituent elements  of  and  for  force;  and  third,  by  lot.  And  if  this  Con- 
vention believes,  as  evidently  this  Committee  did  believe,  that  that 
majority  in  that  body  was  secured  by  methods  and  means  of  this  nature 
and  this  character,  then  is  this  Convention,  representing  the  dignity,  the 
wisdom,  the  honor  and  the  integrity  of  the  Republican  party  of  this 
nation,  willing  to  accept  delegates  coming  herewith  such  credentials  and 
under  such  charges  as  have  been  made  and  by  affidavits  presented  to 
prove  them? 

Ill 


Republican  National  Convention. 


HEPBURN    SPEAKS    FOR   THE   MINORITY. 


The  Chairman:  Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa,  will  now  address  you  for 
the  minority. 

Mr.  Hepburn:  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : 
I  have  the  right  to  assume  that  any  Republican  Convention,  anj'  body  of 
men  representing  the  Republican  party,  will  declare  in  favor  of  fairness. 
The  American  people  love  fairness.  They  are  not  willing,  I  take  it,  that 
any  man's  rights  shall  be  determined  without  he  has  had  his  day  in 
court, 
^•"^onnnlue""'  ^  ^^V  here,   without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  there  has  been  no 

^un^farrness*'  hearing  upon  the  merits  of  160  election  cases.  I  challenge  any  member 
•  of  this  Convention  to  deny  that  proposition.  When  these  gentlemen 
went  before  the  National  Committee  there  was  a  gentleman  there  repre- 
senting the  interests  of  a  certain  candidate  here.  It  was  his  contention, 
in  opposing  the  admission  of  all  those  that  he  supposed  were  not  favor- 
able to  his  candidate,  that  all  that  the  Committee  was  to  pass  upon,  all 
it  had  the  right  to  pass  upon,  was  the  regularity  of  the  credentials  of  the 
delegates,  and  over  and  over  again  it  was  said  that  the  Committee,  con- 
tenting itself  with  that,  would  impose  no  hardship  upon  the  contestant, 
as  the  tribunal  elected  by  the  Convention  was  armed  with  full  authority 
to  pass  upon  the  credentials,  and  there  would  be  an  opportunity  there  to 
present  the  merits  of  the  case. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  that  same  man,  as  one  of  the  judges,  a 
member  of  the  Committee,  in  the  Committee,  insisted  that  there  should 
be  no  hearing,  because  the  National  Committee  had  passed  upon  the 
case.  In  other  words,  it  was  as  though  he  had  contended  in  an  inferior 
court  that  the  court  had  no  jurisdiction  to  try  the  cause,  and  then, 
where  appeal  was  taken,  to  insist  that  the  court  had  yielded  to  his  con- 
tention, and  refusal  to  try  the  cause  had  estopped  the  mouths  of  the 
appellants.  Is  that  fairness?  Is  that  the  justice  that  a  Convention  of 
Republicans  proposes  to  mete  out  to  brother  Republicans? 

We  have  contended,  as  a  party,  all  of  the  days,  that  in  the  Southern 
States  we  would  see  to  it  that  there  should  be  honest  elections  and  there 
should  be  a  fair  count. 

Every  National  Convention,  almost,  for  the  last  twenty  years,  has 
Duty  of  the  insisted  that,  that  was  the  duty  that  justice  and  equity  imposed  upon  the 
Republican  party,  and  it  has  been  swift  to  pledge  itself  that  that  duty, 
to  the  fullness  of  its  ability,  should  be  carried  out;  and  here  is  the 
astonishing  spectacle,  in  view  of  all  these  charges,  that  we  ourselves  are 
trampling  underfoot  ruthlessly  and  remorselessly  those  ver>^  doctrines  of 
equity  and  justice  to  which  we  have  pledged  ourselves  through  twentj' 
years  of  our  eventful  existence. 

There  has  been  no  adjudication  of  these  cases.  There  ought  to  be. 
One  gentleman  in  the  Committee  informed  us  that  these  rights  were 
trivial ;    that  they  were  not  property  rights ;    and  the    burden   of   this 

112 


Party. 


Senator-Elect  Jos.  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

argument  would  be  that  if  it  involved  in  importance  the  value  of  a 
mustang  pony,  then  he  would  insist  upon  the  procedure  of  allowing  the 
parties  to  be  heard,  but  as  it  onl}'  involved  the  honor  of  a  Republican, 
the  man  who  said  that  he  was  entitled  to  a  seat  here  and  the  man  who 
said  when  the  right  to  a  seat  was  denied  that  he  was  not  a  cheat,  that  he 
was  not  a  scoundrel,  that  he  was  not  here  by  fraudulent  pretense,  but 
that  he  was  elected  and  selected  only  by  a  free  constituency ;  in  a 
question  of  this  kind,  involving  the  honor  of  a  man,  it  was  so  trivial 
that  we  ought  not  to  subject  ourselves  to  the  heated  atmosphere  of  this 
talk  for  purposes  of  that  character. 

Further,  I  say  with  regard  to  the  case  that  was  last  suggested,  the  AddicksDe- 
Addicks  case,  I  say — and  I  challenge  the  contradiction — I  say  that  there  fended. 
was  no  proof  of  any  character  considered  by  your  Committee.  Not  one 
affidavit  was  read ;  no  man  knows  the  verities  of  the  case.  One  who 
was  once  a  distinguished  Senator  made  the  statement  that  twenty -three 
delegates  in  the  Convention  that  would  not  support  him  were  bribed. 
No  other  man  said  that.  No  man's  affidavit  to  that  effect,  stating  knowl- 
edge, was  read.  That  distinguished  gentleman  said  that  somebody  else 
told  him  that  upon  an  occasion,  critical  indeed,  Mr.  Addicks  contributed 
$5,000  to  a  Democratic  campaign  fund.  That  was  the  character  of  the 
proof.  That  affidavit  was  not  presented.  Again  he  said  that  the  Stand- 
ard Oil  Company,  he  had  learned,  had  contributed  $30,000  to  Addicks' 
senatorial  election  case.  Not  an  affidavit,  not  a  particle  of  proof — and 
those  are  the  evidences  upon  which  the  political  integrity  of  Mr.  Addicks 
is  impeached.  If  there  is  more,  name  it.  If  you  have  got  anything 
else  that  was  brought  before  that  Committee,  bring  it  out. 

I  don't  know  what  aflSdavits  might  have  been  brought  here.  I  say  He  was  Always 
they  were  not  presented  or  read,  nor  considered  by  your  Committee,  and 
yet  there  stood  that  man  thus  assailed,  stating  that  he  had  voted  for 
Abraham  Lincoln  for  President,  and  for  every  Republican  candidate 
from  that  day  down.  Every  one.  He  stated  that  never  in  his  life  had 
he  voted  any  other  than  a  Republican  ticket,  and  no  man  assailed  it, 
save  by  these  wild  and  loose  and  irrelevant  and  unfounded  stories. 

There  was  a  little  gentleman  there  quite  voluble,  and  I  might 
almost  say  volatile.  And  his  intellectual  proportions  were  in  exact  ratio 
to  the  geographical  limits  of  his  State.  That  gentleman  told  us  that 
these  five  persons  were  not  Republicans,  and  yet  they  were  the  head  and 
front  of  the  Republican  organization  there,  until  they  preferred  Addicks 
for  United  States  Senator  to  Higgins.  Their  Republicanism  ceased  when 
they  failed  to  support  the  pretensions  of  the  ex -Senator.  Another 
gentleman  was  there.  He  makes  the  same  statement.  Up  to  about  a 
year  ago  they  were  good  Republicans.  When  did  they  cease  to  be 
Republicans?  was  the  query.  When  they  began  to  associate  with 
Addicks,  and  yet  one  of  those  gentlemen  was  the  Chairman  of  the 
Republican  State  Committee  that  called  the  Convention.  One  of  those 
gentlemen  was  selected  by  his  vote  and  as  a  representative.     He  had 

113 


Republican  National  Convention. 


A  Questionable 
Majority. 


Groundless 

Charee^  of 

Fraud 


A  Conkling  In- 
stance Cited. 


there  presenting  to  us  the  indorsement  of  the  thirteen  officers  selected  by 
the  Republicans  in  that  county  since  this  Convention — think  of  it — and 
he  not  a  Republican ;  every  one  of  the  thirteen  that  have  been  selected 
since  the  Convention  of  last  May ;  every  one  of  them  indorsing  his 
Republicanism. 

Gentlemen,  there  was  in  that  Convention  160  persons.  They 
assembled  the  third  or  the  fourth  day  after  their  selection.  Seven  of 
them  had  their  seats  challenged.  The  Committee  in  making  up  the  roll 
omitted  those  seven  from  the  list,  so  that  153  were  there  unchallenged. 
All  of  the  proceedings  of  that  Convention  were  harmonious,  no  man 
making  complaint  until  it  came  to  the  question  of  seating  or  unseating 
the  seven.  And  when  that  was  raised  fifty -three  gentlemen  went  out  of 
the  Convention  and  the  seven  excluded  delegates  went  with  them, 
[making  sixty.  No  man  claims  that  more  than  sixty  men  out  of  160  men 
joined  in  the  selection  of  Senator  Higgins  and  his  five  colleagues. 

If  I  am  wrong,  correct  me  in  that.  Sixty  men  only — make  that  a 
majority  of  160  if  you  can.  "Oh,  but,"  say  these  gentlemen,  "twenty- 
three  men  who  remained  in  the  Convention  were  bribed."  No  evidence 
iof  it  was  presented  there ;  no  evidence  presented  of  that. 

A  Delegate  :    That  they  were  elected  by  fraud? 

Mr.  Hepburn:  That  they  were  elected  by  fraud;  twenty -three  of 
them.  Mind  you,  Delaware  is  not  a  very  large  State.  There  are  only 
three  counties  in  it.  There  were  three  or  four  days  to  establish  a  fraud 
if  there  was  any,  but  not  a  word  about  it.  It  was  never  heard  of  until  it 
was  necessary  to  do  something^  to  make  sixty  a  majority  of  160. 

Then  the  fraud  was  discovered.  Then  the  gentlemen  came  to  the 
front,  it  is  said,  but  no  affidavit  of  that  character  was  presented  to  the 
Committee,  read  and  considered.  If  one  was  presented,  it  was  never 
heard  of  until  that  gentleman  brought  them  in  his  pocket  1200  miles  from 
his  home,  away  from  the  possibility  of  their  being  resisted,  and  then, 
perhaps,  presented  to  the  National  Committee.  According  to  my 
advices,  none  of  them  were  read — certainly  not  in  our  Committee.  We 
do  not  know  whether  they  contain  averments  of  this  kind  or  not.  Now, 
gentlemen,  that  is  this  case.  If  you  turn  out  Addicks,  the  contestant, 
you  will  leave  the  State  of  Delaware  without  an  organization ;  there  is 
no  other  j^arty — there  is  no  other  power  than  that  which  is  by  the 
authority  of  these  men  that  call  a  State  Convention.  Are  you  going  to 
do  it  simply  because  some  man  says  that  Mr.  Addicks  is  not  a  sound 
Republican?  Let  me  challenge  a  statement  made  by  my  friend  from 
New  Jersey.  He  said  that  this  Convention  was  the  tribunal  to  determine 
upon  the  qualifications  of  its  members.  I  deny  it.  I  say  that  our 
constituencies  determine  the  qualifications  of  their  representatives. 

Let  us  remind  you  of  a  Republican  National  Convention — in  1880 — 
let  me  call  up  a  memorable  scene.  A  member  of  that  Convention  from 
the  State  of  West  Virginia  offered  a  declaration  upon  that  floor.  He 
said  that  if  a  certain  person  was  nominated,  or  a  certain  proposition  was 


114 


Republican  National  Convention. 


determined  upon,  he  would  not  support  it,  and  thereupon  Senator  Conk- 
ling  introduced  a  resohition  reciting  that  fact,  and  moving  his  expulsion.    • 

The  mention  of  Conkling's  name  created  a  wave  of 
applause,  which  lasted  for  some  moments.  When  it  had  sub- 
sided the  speaker  continued  as  follows : 

James  A.  Garfield  took  the  floor  and  he  laid  down  before  that  Con- 
vention the  rights  involved.  He  discussed  in  that  masterly  way  of  his  RfKhfs  o?  con^ 
the  verities  of  the  case,  and  when  he  was  through  there  was  such  an 
ovenvhelming  manifestation  of  the  wishes  of  that  Convention  that  Senator 
Conkling  rose  in  his  place  and  withdrew  the  resolution,  establishing  in 
that  way  what  all  know  must  be  true,  that  the  constituency  determines 
the  qualifications  of  the  members  that  it  sends  here.  Why,  that  indi- 
vidual comes  here  for  what  purpose?  In  a  representative  capacity,  to 
wield  the  power  of  those  men  who  send  him.  They  select  the  man  that 
they  are  willing  to  intrust  their  power  with,  and  if  j'ou  refuse  the  recog- 
nition of  that  righteous  rule,  you  will  allow  Anthony  Higgins,  who  has 
been  repudiated  by  his  people,  whom  they  have  said  shall  not  serve 
them,  whom  they  have  refused  to  repose  confidence  in,  whom  they  have 
said  cannot  properly  represent  them  or  wield  their  power  here,  you  have 
said  that  he  is  to  wield  their  power  whether  they  wish  it  or  not.  Is  that 
representation?  Who  will  he  represent?  The  people  of  Delaware,  who 
said  they  would  not  have  him,  or  this  Convention,  this  majority,  who 
says  he  is  to  have  a  seat. 

Think  of  it,  men !  There  is  a  great  principle  involved  in  this.  It 
is  the  principle  of  the  right  of  free  representation,  a  right  dear  to  all 
English-speaking  people,  and  to  secure  which  more  of  English  and 
American  blood  had  been  shed  than  for  all  other  questions  put  together. 
Are  we,  a  Republican  Convention,  ready  to  abandon  that  now?  I  take 
it  not.     With  reference  to  the  other  case — (Cries  of  "time,  time.") 

The  Chairman — Gentlemen,  the  Chair  will  pass  on  the  question  of 
time. 

Both  sides  were  notified  that  an  extra  allowance  of  six 
minutes  would  be  made  to  cover  applause  or  interruption. 

Mr.  Hepburn  (continuing)  :  With  reference  to  the  Texas  case. 
Again  I  say  that  you,  through  your  Committee,  through  your  National 
Committee,  have  no  evidence  upon  this  case.  A  gentleman  said  that 
141  of  the  delegates  of  that  Convention  remained  in  their  seats  and 
selected  the  delegates  that  your  Committee  have  seated.  That  was 
challenged — that  was  denied;  it  was  a  statement  made  by  a  member 
on  the  floor  for  a  contestant  and  denied  by  another.  The  gentleman 
said  that  he  would  take  the  word  of  any  Republican  in  a  matter  of  this 
kind,  a  comment  on  their  truthfulness  that  was  ver>\ complimentary',  but 
what  will  he  do  when  one  Republican  says  yes  and  another  Republican 
says  no  with  reference  to  the  same  question,  speaking  almost  at  the  same 


The  Right  of 
Free  Repre- 
sentation. 


The  Texas 
Case. 


115 


Republican  National  Convention. 

time?  Ought  he  not  to  investigate  the  proofs?  No  gentleman  did  it — 
no  man  read  an  affidavit  there  establishing,  or  tending  to  establish,  these 
facts.  The  majority  of  your  Committee  took  the  word  of  one  contestant. 
The  others  said  that  it  was  not  proven.  We  did  not  take  the  words  of 
the  others,  but  we  say  that  the  case  is  not  proven. 

It  is  claimed  on  the  one  hand — and  about  this  there  is  no  dispute — that 
cuneysciaims  there  was  a  contest,  sharply  defined,  that  the  three  candidates  for  the 
presidency  had  a  following  in  about  equal  numbers.  Finally,  two  of 
them  combined  and  there  was  a  sharj)  contest  over  the  control  of  the 
•Convention.  After  it  was  discussed  pro  and  con,  upon  a  roll-call,  about 
which  there  is  no  dispute,  Mr.  Cuney  was  elected  temporary  Chairman — 
on  this  roll-call — ^by  more  than  two  and  one-half  votes  to  one,  indicating 
the  temper  of  the  Convention.  It  is  his  contention  that  the.se  men  that 
thus  declared  themselves  authoratively  upon  the  roll-call,  about  which 
there  is  no  dispute,  were  the  men  who  supported  him  and  his  ticket,  and 
gave  it  its  overwhelming  majority. 


The  Question 
Stated. 


The  Texas 
Case. 


GROSVENOR   SPEAKS   FOR    THE    MAJORITY  REPORT. 

The  Chairman  :  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  Gen.  Grosvenor. 
of  Ohio. 

Gen.  Grosvenor:  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion— In  the  very  brief  time  which  I  shall  occupy,  I  shall  devote  sub- 
stantially the  whole  of  it  to  the  discussion  of  the  question  of  whether  or 
not  the  action  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  in  the  matter  of  the 
Texas  contest,  shall  be  upheld  or  condemned.  I  shall  put  the  question 
to  the  men  of  this  country,  the  men  who  profess  sometimes  that  they  are 
in  favor  of  decent  elections,  and  when  I  have  done  that,  and  when  I 
have  stood  by  the  record,  without  changing  a  word  of  it,  let  us  see  how 
much  of  decency  there  is  in  this  country. 

I  shall  not  refer  to  the  attacks  of  the  gentleman  upon  my  colleague, 
the  distinguished  member  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  from  Ohio. 
He  is  well  known  to  the  people  of  the  country,  and  the  aspersions  cast 
upon  him  will  fall  harmless  at  the  feet  of  the  gentleman  who  has  dis- 
played so  much  of  judicial  temperament  here  on  this  platform  recently. 

The  Convention  in  Texas — now  follow  me,  you  who  are  lawyers 
and  you  who  are  not  lawyers — the  Convention  in  the  State  of  Texas  was 
assembled  under  a  call  issued  by  the  Chairman  of  the  State  Committee. 
It  assembled  on  the  24th  day  of  March.  There  is  no  dispute  but  that  it 
was  regularly  called,  regularly  assembled;  no  question  of  anything  up 
to  a  certain  point  of  time  which  I  will  give  to  you,  as  I  have  it  here  in 
the  record.  A  temporary  Chairman  was  nominated  by  each  of  the 
factions,  but  because  of  certain  reasons,  which  I  could  make  very 
plain,  if  I  had  the  time,  Mr.  Cuney  was  elected  upon  a  roll-call  demanded 
by  both  sides,  as  the  record  shows.  A  roll-call  was  had,  and  800  and 
some  odd  members  answered  to  their  names  and  voted.  Cuney  was 
seated.     A  Committee  on  Credentials  was  appointed.   •  Up  to  that  time 


116 


Republican  National  Convention. 

all  parties  were  co-operating  together,  and  desiring  to  see  that  both  sets 
of  these  delegates  derived  their  title  from  a  common  source. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  was  sent  out  and  after  two  or  three  ^ 
adjournments  of  the  Convention,  the  Committee  on  Credentials  came  in 
with  a  report.     A  minority  of  the  Conmiittee  on  Credentials  submitted 
a   written  minority  report,   which    appears  in   the  record.     Mr.   Cuney 
ruled  that  the  minority  had  no  right  to  make  a  report,  and  an  appeal  was    cuney-s  Arbi- 

.    .  *  '  '  '  trary  Course. 

taken  from  his  decision,  and  he  refused  to  put  the  appeal  to  the  house. 
Thereupon  he  proceeded,  as  the  record  shows — I  hold  it  in  my  hands, 
and  no  honest  man  will  den^^  it — that  on  more  than  twenty  occasions  he 
refused  a  division  of  the  house;  refused  a  call  of  the  roll,  and  decided 
every  question  b}'  putting  it  on  one  side,  and  finally  a  vote  was  taken 
upon  delegates  at  large,  and  at  once  an  uproar  broke  out;  mob  violence 
was  imminent,  and  Cuney,  when  a  little  subsidence  had  taken  place, 
waving  a  paper  over  his  head,  declared  that  the  delegation  was  elected 
and  that  the  Convention  had  adjourned. 

Sixteen  delegates  went  out  with  Cuney,  and  641  delegates  stayed  in 
the  Convention,  elected  a  temporary'  Chairman,  elected  and  sent  out  a 
Committee  on  Credentials,  made  the  temporary  Chairman  permanent,  cuney-s  Bolt, 
had  a  regular  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  proceeded  regularly 
to  elect  their  delegates  at  large,  the  Grant  delegates,  and  certified  them 
up  here  as  the  action  of  a  Convention  that  had  never  adjourned. 

Now  comes  this  gentleman  and  appeals  to  an  intelligent  Convention 
of  American  Republicans  to  seat  the  man  that  thus  defied  ever\^  principle 
of  parliamentary  law.  , 

Now,  my  position  is  this,  and  I  should  like  to  have  heard  the  gen-      H's  niegai 

'        -^    •  Assumption  of 

tieman  answer  it.  I  made  it  before  to-day  in  his  hearing  and  he  has  Power. 
not  seen  fit  to  refer  to  it.  I  say,  when  the  moment  arrives  that  Cuney 
refused  to  grant  a  division  of  that  house  all  that  took  place  afterward 
was  a  simple  assumption  of  power  without  a  shadow  of  legal  right  or 
legal  effect  behind  it.  That  is  my  position.  Let  me  illustrate  now. 
Suppose  that  somebody  gets  upon  this  platform  and  takes  the  gavel  of 
the  presiding  officer.  Somebody  moves  that  we  now  proceed  with  the 
nomination  for  President.  A  viva  voce  vote  is  taken  and  a  division  is 
demanded  and  he  refuses  to  permit  it.  Then  an  appeal  is  taken.  He 
refuses  to  entertain  it.  Then  he  declares  that  an  election  is  ordered. 
Somebody  nominates  somebody  and  someone  else  wants  to  put  another 
candidate  in,  and  the  Chairman  says  it  is  not  in  order.  An  appeal 
is  taken,  and  he  refuses  to  recognize  it.  He  declares  his  candidate 
nominated,  and  the  Convention  adjourns. 

Now  we  have  a  Convention  here  of  about  900.     Suppose  200  get  up 
and  go  out,  would  this  Chairman  be  ousted  of  his  power?     Would  this 
Convention  cease  to  operate?    Or  would  this  Convention  be  to  all  intents    cuney  vigor- 
and  purposes  in  life,  in  deed  and  action,  and  go  forward  and  make  the       demned. 
legal  nomination  just  as  before?     As  God  is  my  judge,  as  God  shall  hold 
me  to  account,  that  is  an  illustration  of  what  that  record  shows.    Nothing 

117 


Rkpublican  National  Convention. 


Two  Commit- 
ters Have 
Heard  the 

Contestants. 


The  Conven- 
tion Rejects 
Addicks  and 
Cuney'sClaims 


Representa- 
tion in  the 
Couveuiion. 


more  damnable  ever  stained  the  pages  of  the  records  of  an  American 
Convention.  And  I  congratulate  the  distinguished  gentleman  that,  with 
honeyed  words  about  liberty  and  fair  play,  speaks  of  the  unfortunate 
representative  of  the  biggest  scoundrel  that  ever  got  on  record  in  a 
Convention  of  the  Republican  party. 

That  was  the  whole  of  it.  Now,  what  are  3'ou  about  to  do,  gentle- 
men? There  are  160  contests;  every  one  of  them  about  an  American 
citizen,  as  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  says;  ever}'  one  of  them  with  some 
sort  of  vested  rights  to  something.  Vested  rights  to  work  their  way  into 
a  Convention  when  two  committees  have  said  they  shall  stay  out.  Will 
you  ask  to  give  two  hours  to  each  one  of  those  cases?  Ten  hours  a  day 
is  about  as  much  as  I  am  willing  to  work  in  this  country.  And  it  will 
take  forty  days  to  try  these  contests,  for,  if  you  open  up  this  question 
and  defeat  this  report  you  must  "ot,  after  that,  go  to  drawing  discrimin- 
ations. You  must  hear  the  whole  of  them.  We  had  thirty  cases  of 
contests  in  the  House  of  Representatives  this  year.  Mr.  Reed  appointed 
three  more  committees  of  nine  members  each,  and  they  worked  day  and 
night,  and  at  the  end  of  the  long  session  of  Congress  there  still  remained 
three  or  four  undisposed -of  cases. 

And  j'ou  are  asked  to  stay  here  until  the  1st  day  of  August  to  decide 
whether  Tom,  Dick  or  Harry  has  the  right  of  an  American  citizen.     They 

.  have  had  a  hearing  before  two  committees  of  this  body.  The  National 
Committee  sat  for  four  long  daj's  and  nights  and  heard  these  appeals. 
They  decided  them  as  well  as  they  could ;  and  I  stand  here  now  to  say 
that  it  is  a  little  matter  of  cheap,  peanut  policy  to  be  condemning  a  great 
committee  because  forsooth  the  gentleman  maj'  not  have  been  able  to 

•  influence  that  committee  as  he  thought  he  ought  to.  Another  committee 
has  spent  all  the  time  which  it  has  reasonably  to  give  to  them,  and  this 
is  the  best  that  can  be  done.  I  stand  here  to  say  that  no  harm  will  come 
to  the  American  Republic,  no  harm  will  come  to  the  fair  fame  of  the 
Republican  party  if  you  succeed  in  relegating  to  private  life  the  man  of 
Delaware  and  the  rascal  of  Texas. 

The  Convention  then  decided  adversel}^  on  the  minority 
report,  and  rejected  the  propositions  to  seat  the  Addicks  and 
the  Cuney  delegations,  after  which  the  majority  report  was 
adopted. 

The  report  of  the  Rules  Committee  was  then  read  by 
General  Harry  Bingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was  as  follows : 

THE   convention's   RULES. 

Rule  1.  The  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  number  of  delegates 
from  each  State  equal  to  double  the  number  of  each  Senator  and  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  six  delegates  each  from  the  Territories  of 
Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico  and  Oklahoma;  four  from 
Alaska  and  two  from  the  District  of  Columbia. 


118 


Republican  National  Convention. 


status  of  the 
Previous  Ques- 
tion. 


Order  of  Com- 


RuLE  2.  The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Fifty - 
fourth  Congress  shall  be  the  rules  of  the  Convention  so  far  as  they  are 
applicable  and  not  inconsistent  with  the  following  rules. 

Rule  3.  When  the  previous  question  shall  be  demanded  by  a 
majority  of  the  delegates  from  any  State,  and  the  demand  is  seconded 
by  two  or  more  States,  and  the  call  is  sustained  by  a  majority  of  the 
Convention,  the  question  shall  then  be  proceeded  with  and  disposed  of 
according  to  the  rules  ot  the  House  of  Representatives  in  similar  cases. 

Rule  4.  A  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  shall  be  in  order  only  when 
made  by  authority  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  any  State  and 
seconded  by  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  not  less  than  two  other 
States. 

Rule  5.  It  shall  be  in  order  to  lay  on  the  table  a  proposed  amend- 
ment to  a  pending  measure,  and  such  motion,  if  adopted,  shall  not  carry 
with  it  or  prejudice  such  measure. 

Rule  6.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention  the  States  shall 
be  called  in  alphabetical  order,  and  next  the  Territories,  Alaska  and  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

Rule  7.     The  report   of   the    Committee  on    Credentials  shall   be 
disposed  of  before  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  is  acted  «n>"ee  Reports 
upon,  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  shall  be  disposed 
of  before  the  Convention  proceeds  to  the  nomination  of  the  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Rule  8.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  any  two  States  shall 
demand  that  a  vote  be  recorded,  the  same  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
Territories,  Alaska  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Secretary  calling 
the  roll  of  the  States  and  Territories,  Alaska  and  the  District  of  Columbia 
in  the  order  heretofore  established. 

Rule  9.  In  making  the  nominations  for  President  and  Vice- 
President,  in  no  case  shall  the  calling  of  the  roll  be  dispensed  with. 
When  it  appears  at  the  close  of  any  roll-call  that  any  candidate  has 
received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  to  which  the  Convention  is  entitled, 
the  President  of  the  Convention  shall  announce  the  question  to  be: 
"Shall  the  nomination  of  the  candidate  be  made  unanimous?"  If  no 
candidate  shall  have  received  such  majority,  the  Chair  shall  direct  the 
vote  to  be  taken  again,  which  shall  be  repeated  until  some  candidate 
shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes;  and  when  any  State  has 
announced  its  vote,  it  shall  so  stand  unless  in  case  of  numerical  error. 

Rule  10.  In  the  record  of  the  votes,  the  vote  of  each  State, 
Territory,  Alaska  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  be  announced  by 
the  Chairman ;  and  in  case  the  vote  of  any  State,  Territory,  Alaska  or 
District  of  Columbia  shall  be  divided,  the  Chairman  shall  announce  the 
number  of  votes  cast  for  any  candidate,  or  for  or  against  any  proposition; 
but  if  exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correctness  of  such 
announcement  bj'  the  Chairman  of  his  delegation,  the  President  of  the 
Convention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  members  of  such  delegation  to  be 


Procedure  in 

Makitifj:  Xomi- 

nations. 


119 


Republican  National  Convention. 

called,  and  the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accordance  with  the  votes 
individually  given. 

Rule  11.     No  niemlier  shall  s])eak  more  than  once  upon  the  same 
question,  nor  longer  than  five  minutes,  unless  by  leave  of  the  Conven- 
tion, except  in  the  presentation  of  the  names  of  candidates. 
S*'.'J,'"u"''"V  Rule  12.     A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  appointed  to 

""commUteT"'  consist  of  one  member  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska  and  the 
District  of  Columbia.  The  roll  shall  be  called  and  the  delegation  from 
each  State,  Territory,  Alaska  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  name, 
through  its  Chairman,  a  person  who  shall  act  as  a  member  of  such 
Committee.  Such  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  for  the  meeting  of  the 
National  Convention  within  sixty  days  at  least  before  the  time  fixed  for 
said  meeting,  and  each  congressional  district  in  the  United  States  shall 
elect  its  delegates  to  the  National  Convention  in  the  same  way  as  the 
nomination  for  a  member  of  Congress  is  made  in  said  district,  and  in 
Territories  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  shall  be  elected  in  the  same 
way  as  a  nomination  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  is  made ;  and  said 
National  Committee  shall  prescribe  the  mode  of  selecting  the  delegates 
for  the  District  of  Columbia.  An  alternate  delegate  for  each  delegate  to 
the  National  Convention,  to  act  in  case  of  the  absence  of  the  delegate, 
shall  be  elected  in  the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  the  delegate 
is  elected.  Delegates  at  large  for  each  State  and  their  alternates  shall  be 
elected  by  State  Conventions  in  their  respective  States. 

Rule  13.  The  Republican  National  Committee  is  authorized  and 
empowered  to  select  an  Executive  Committee,  to  consist  of  nine 
members,  who  may  or  may  not  be  members  of  the  National  Committee. 

Rule  14.  All  resolutions  relating  to  the  platform  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  without  debate. 

Rule  15.  No  person,  except  members  of  the  several  delegations 
and  officers  of  the  Convention,  shall  be  admitted  to  that  section  of  the 
hall  apportioned  to  delegates. 

Rule  16.     The  Convention  shall  proceed  in  the  following  order  of 
business : 
Order  of  Busi-  ^-     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

"*■*'  2.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization. 

3.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

4.  Naming  members  of  National  Committee. 

5.  Presentation  of  names  of  candidates  for  President. 

6.  Balloting. 

7.  Presentation  of  names  of  candidates  for  Vice-President. 

8.  Balloting. 

9.  Call  of  roll  of  States,  Territories,  Alaska  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  for  names  of  delegates  to  ser\'e  respectively  on  Committees  to 
notify  the  nominees  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  their  selection 
for  said  office. 

An  adjournment  was  then  had  until  10  a.  m.  on  Thursday. 

120 


Senator  John  M.    Thurston,  ok  Nebraska. 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Third  Day's  Proceedings. 


Chairman  Thurston  called  the    Convention  to   order  on     ^JlTnlll!"' 
Thursday  at  10:  32  A.  m.,  and  Rev.  Dr.  John  Scott,  of  Jack- 
sonville, Fla.,  offered  the  following  prayer: 

Our  Father,  from  whose  hand  the  centuries  fall  like  grains  of  sand :      Dr.  scotfs 
We  meet  to-day,  united,  free,  loj'al  to  our  land  and  to  thee.     We  thank 
thee  for  all  the  blessings  of  life  that  are  ours  to  enjoy,  and  we  beseech 
thy  blessing  upon  our  labors  in  this    Convention,  and  we  ask  that  all 
things  that  we  do  may  be  done  to  thy  honor  and  glory. 

We  ask  these  things  for  the  sake  of  Him  who  has  taught  us  in 
praying  to  say : 

,  "Our  Father,  who  art  in  heaven,  hallowed  be  thy  name.  Thy 
kingdom  come.  Thy  wall  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven.  Give  us 
this  day  our  daily  bread.  Forgive  us  our  trespasses  as  we  forgive  those 
whcJ  trespass  against  us.  Lead  us  not  into  temptation,  but  deliver  us 
from  evil:  For  thine  is  the  kingdom,  and  the  power,  and  the  glor>', 
forever.     Amen." 

Then  Senator-elect  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  read  the  platform,  which  was  as 
follows : 


THE    PLATFORM. 


Republican 


The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their  repre-  Deliverance  of 
sentatives  in  national  convention,  appealing  for  the  popular  and  historical 
justification  of  their  claims  to  the  matchless  achievements  of  thirty"  j^ears 
of  Republican  rule,  earnestly  and  confidentlj'  address  themselves  to  the 
awakened  intelligence,  experience  and  conscience  of  their  countrymen  in 
the  following  declaration  of  facts  and  principles : 

For  the   first  time  since  the  civil  war,  the  American  people  have    conseqiien"es 
witnessed  the  calamitous  consequences  of  full  and  unrestricted  Demo-   °^  ^^'^1^';'^^'"^ 

121 


Republican  National  Convention. 

cratic  control  of  the  government.  It  has  been  a  record  of  unparalleled 
inca])acity,  dishonor  and  disaster.  In  administrative  management  it  has 
ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensable  revenue,  entailed  an  unceasing  deficit, 
eked  out  ordinary  current  expenses  with  borrowed  money,  piled  up  the 
public  debt  by  $262,000,000  in  time  of  peace,  forced  an  adverse  balance 
of  trade,  kept  a  perpetual  menace  hanging  over  the  redemption  fund, 
pawned  American  credit  to  alien  syndicates,  and  reversed  all  the  meas- 
ures and  results  of  successful  Republican  rule.  In  the  broad  effect  of 
its  ])olicy  it  has  precipitated  panic,  blighted  industry  and  trade  with 
prolonged  depression,  closed  factories,  reduced  work  and  wages,  halted 
enterprise,  and  crippled  American  production,  while  stimulating  foreign 
production  for  the  American  market.  Every  consideration  for  public 
.safety  and  individual  interest  demands  that  the  government  shall  be 
re.scued  from  the  hands  of  those  who  have  shown  themselves  incapable 
to  conduct  it  without  disaster  at  home  and  dishonor  abroad,  and  shall 
be  restored  to  the  party  which  for  thirty  years  administered  it  with 
unequalled  success  and  prosperity,  and  in  this  connection  we  heartily 
endorse  the  wisdom,  patriotism,  and  success  of  the  administration  of 
President  Harrison. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the  policy  of  protection 
The  Tariff  as  the  bulwark  of  American  industrial  independence  and  the  foundation 
of  American  development  and  prosperity.  This  true  American  policy 
taxes  foreign  products  and  encourages  home  industry ;  it  puts  the  burden 
of  revenue  on  foreign  goods;  it  secures  the  American  market  for  the 
American  producer;  it  upholds  the  American  standard  of  wages  for  the 
American  workingman ;  it  puts  the  factory-  by  the  side  of  the  farm,  and 
makes  the  American  farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign  demand  and  price ; 
it  diffuses  general  thrift  and  founds  the  strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of 
each.  In  its  reasonable  application  it  is  just,  fair,  and  impartial,  equally 
opi^o.sed  to  foreign  control  and  domestic  monopoly,  to  sectional  discrimi- 
nation and  individual  favoritism.  We  denounce  the  Democratic  tariff  as 
sectional,  injurious  to  the  public  credit,  and  destructive  to  bu.siness 
enterpri.se.  We  demand  such  an  equitable  tariff  on  foreign  imports 
which  come  into  competition  with  American  products  as  will  not  only 
furnish  adequate  revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government, 
but  will  ])rotect  American  labor  from  degradation  to  the  wage  level  of 
other  lands.  We  are  not  pledged  to  any  particular  schedules.  The 
question  of  rates  is  a  practical  question,  to  be  governed  by  the  conditions 
of  the  time  and  of  production  ;  the  ruling  and  uncompromising  principle 
is  the  protection  and  development  of  American  labor  and  industry. 
The  country  demands  a  right  settlement  and  then  it  wants  rest. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the   reci]irocity  arrangements  negotiated 

Reciprocity.     ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  Republican  administration  was  a  national  calamity,  and  we 

demand  their  renewal  and  extension  on  such  terms  as  will  equalize  our 

trade  with  other  nations,  remove  the  restrictions  which  now  obstruct  the 

sale  of  American  products  in  the  ports  of  other  countries,  and  secure 

122 


Sugar. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

enlargfed  markets  for  the  product  of  our  farms,  forests  and  factories. 
Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures  of  Republican  policy  and 
go  hand  in  hand.  Democratic  rule  has  recklessly  struck  down  both,  and 
both  must  be  reestablished — protection  for  what  we  produce ;  free  admis- 
sion for  the  necessaries  of  life  which  we  do  not  produce ;  reciprocal 
agreements  of  mutual  interests  which  gain  open  markets  for  us  in  return 
for  our  open  market  to  others.  Protection  builds  up  domestic  industry 
and  trade  and  secures  our  own  market  for  ourselves ;  reciprocity  builds 
up  foreign  trade  and  finds  an  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  Administration  for  not  keeping  faith  with 
the  sugar  producers  of  this  country.  The  Republican  i)arty  favors  such 
protection  as  will  lead  to  the  production  on  American  soil  of  all  the  sugar 
which  the  American  people  use,  and  for  which  they  pay  other  countries 
more  than  $100,000,000  annually. 

To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the  mine  and  the  field  as  well  as  to      ^^^^j  ^^^ 
those  of  the  shop  and  the  factory — to  hemp,  to  wool,  the  product  of  the       wooiens. 
great  industry  of  sheep -husbandr3%  as  well  as  to  the  finished  woolens  of 
the  mill — we  promise  the  most  ample  protection. 

We  favor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of  discriminating 
duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  merchant  marine  and  the  protection  of  ^''^M^rinc''^"* 
our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrjang  trade,  so  that  American  ships — the 
product  of  American  labor,  employed  in  American  shipyards,  sailing 
under  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  manned,  officered,  and  owned  by 
Americans — may  regain  the  carr>'ing  of  our  foreign  commerce. 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It  caused 
the  enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  resumption  of  specie  pay-  "^^^  currency, 
ments  in  1879 ;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good  as  gold.  We 
are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to  debase  our 
currenc}'-  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  countr3^  We  are  therefore  opposed 
to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by  international  agreement  with  the 
leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  which  we  pledge  ourselves  to 
promote,  and  until  such  agreement  can  be  obtained,  the  existing  gold 
standard  must  be  preserved.  All  our  silver  and  paper  currency  must  be 
maintained  at  parity  with  gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to 
maintain  inviolably  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  and  all  our 
money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  at  the  present  standard,  the  standard  of 
the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  Army  deserve  and  should  receive  fair 
treatment  and  generous  recognition.  Whenever  practicable  thc\'  should 
be  given  the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employment,  and  they  are 
entitled  to  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  are  best  calculated  to  secure 
the  fulfilment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them  in  the  dark  days  of  the  pensions, 
country's  peril.  We  denounce  the  practice  in  the  Pension  Bureau,  so 
recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on  by  the  present  Administration,  of 
reducing  pensions  and  arbitrarily  dropping  names  from  the  rolls  as 
deserving  the  severest  condemnation  of  the  American  people. 

123 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Foreign  Re- 
lations. 


Artneniau 
Massacres. 


The  Monroe 
Doctrine. 


The  Cuban 
Question. 


The  Navy. 


Forci)fn 
Immitrratiou. 


The  Civil 
.Service. 


Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm,  vigorous  and  digni- 
fied, and  all  our  interests  in  the  western  hemisphere  carefully  watched 
and  guarded.  The  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  controlled  by  the  United 
States,  and  no  foreign  power  .should  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  them; 
the  Nicaraguan  Canal  should  be  built,  owned,  and  operated  by  the 
United  States ;  and  by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish  Islands  we  should 
secure  a  projier  and  nnich- needed  naval  station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  of  Armenians  have  aroused  the  deep  sympathy  and 
just  indignation  of  the  American  people,  and  we  believe  that  the  United 
States  should  exercise  all  the  influence  it  can  properly  exert  to  bring 
these  atrocities  to  an  end.  In  Turkey  American  residents  have  been 
exposed  to  the  gravest  dangers,  and  American  property  destroyed. 
There  and  everj-where  American  citizens  and  American  property  must 
be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards  and  at  any  cost. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  and  we  reafiirm 
the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  doctrine  effect  by  responding  to 
.the  apjieals  of  any  American  State  for  friendly  interv^ention  in  case  of 
European  encroachment.  We  have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  interfere 
with  the  existing  possessions  of  any  European  power  in  this  hemisphere, 
but  those  possessions  must  not,  on  any  pretext,  be  extended.  We  hope- 
fully look  forward  to  the  eventual  withdrawal  of  the  European  powers 
from  this  hemisphere,  and  to  the  ultimate  union  of  all  English-speaking 
parts  of  the  continent  by  the  free  consent  of  its  inhabitants. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independence,  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  regarded  with  sympathy  the  struggles  of  other 
American  peoples  to  free  themselves  from  European  domination.  We 
watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the  heroic  battle  of  the  Cuban 
l)atriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  our  best  hopes  go  out  for 
the  full  success  of  their  detennined  contest  for  liberty.  The  Gov- 
ernment of.  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba,  and  being  unable  to 
protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resident  American  citizens,  or  to  comply 
with  its  treaty  obligations,  we  believe  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  should  actively  use  its  influence  and  good  offices  to  restore  peace 
and  give  independence  to  the  island. 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  re]Hiblic,  and  the  maintenance  of  its 
rightful  influence  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  demand  a  naval  power 
commensurate  with  its  position  and  responsibility.  We,  therefore,  favor 
the  continued  enlargement  of  the  navy  and  a  complete  system  of  harbor 
and  seacoast  defenses. 

For  the  protection  of  the  quality  of  our  American  citizenship  and  of 
the  wages  of  our  workingmen  against  the  fatal  competition  of  low-priced 
labor,  we  demand  that  the  immigration  laws  be  thoroughly  enforced,  and 
so  extended  as  to  exclude  from  entrance  to  the  United  States  those  who 
can  neither  read  nor  write. 

The  civil -service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  book  by  the  Repub- 
lican part}',  which  has  always  sustained   it,  and  we  renew  our  repeated 


124 


Marcus  A.  Hanna,  Chairman  Republican  National  Committee. 


Republican  National  Convention. 


declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced  and  extended 
wherever  ])racticable. 

We  demand  that  everj'  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be  allowed 
to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot,  and  that  such  ballot  shall  be 
counted  and  returned  as  cast. 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  uncivilized  and 
barbarous  practice,  well  known  as  lynching  or  killing  of  human  beings, 
suspected  or  charged  with  crime,  without  process  of  law. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  National  Board  of  Arbitration  to  settle 
and  adjust  differences  which  may  arise  between  employers  and  employes 
engaged  in  interstate  commerce. 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the  free -homestead  policj'  of 
the  Republican  party ;  and  urge  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the  satis  - 
factory  free -homestead  measure  which  has  already  passed  the  House  and 
is  now  pending  in  the  Senate. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at  the  earliest 
practicable  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the 
Territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All  the  Federal  officers  appointed 
for  the  Territories  should  be  selected  from  bona -fide  residents  thereof, 
and  the  right  of  self-government  should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Ala.ska  should  have  representation  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  the  end  that  needful  legislation  may  be 
intelligently  enacted. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to  lessen  and 
prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
women.  Protection  of  American  industries  includes  equal  opportunities, 
equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  protection  to  the  home.  We  favor  the 
admission  of  women  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness,  and  welcome  their 
co-operation  in  rescuing  the  country  from  Democratic  and  Populist 
mismanagement  and  misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Republican  party.  By 
these  principles  we  will  abide  and  these  policies  we  will  put  into  execu- 
tion. We  ask  for  them  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  Confident  alike  in  the  history  of  our  great  party  and  in  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our  platform  and  our  candidates  in  the 
full  assurance  that  the  election  will  bring  victory  to  the  Republican  party 
and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 


Free  Ballot. 


National 
Arbitt:ation. 


Free 
Homesteads. 


The 
Territories. 


Women's 
Rights. 


Senator  Teller,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  other  silver 
members  of  the  Resolutions  Committee,  offered  the  following 
substitute  for  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform : 


We,  the  undersigned  members  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
being  unable  to  agree  with  a  portion  of  the  majority  report  which  treats 


Tellers 
Free   Silver 
Substitute. 


125 


Republican  National  Convention. 

of  the  subject  of  coinage  and  finances,  respectfully  submit  the  following 
paragraph  as  a  substitute  therefor : 

The  Republican  party  authorizes  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as 
equal  standard  money,  and  pledges  its  power  to  secure  the  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our  mints  at  the  ratio  of  16  parts 
of  silver  to  one  of  gold. 


Mr.  Teller  made  the  following  speech  in  favor  of  the 
substitute,  which  was  also  his  farewell  to  the  Republican 
party : 

SENATOR   teller's   SPEECH. 
Teller  Recog-  GENTLEMEN  OK  THE  CONVENTION  :     I  will  UOt  attempt  tO  inflict  upon 

tionl  you  a  discussiou  of  the  great  financial  question  which  is  dividing  the 

people,  not  only  of  this  country,  but  of  the  whole  world.  The  few 
moments  allotted  to  me  by  the  Convention  will  not  enable  me  to  more 
than  state  in  the  briefest  possible  manner  our  objections  to  the  financial 
plank  i)roposed  for  your  consideration.  I  am  a  practical  man,  and  I 
recognize  the  conditions  existing  in  this  Convention,  foreshadowed  as 
they  were  by  the  action  of  the  committee  selected  by  the  representatives 
assembled  from  the  different  States. 

This  plank  or  this  proposition  was  presented  to  the  whole  committee 
and  by  it  rejected.  Loyalty  to  my  own  opinion,  consideration  of  the 
great  interest  that  is  felt  in  this  countrjs  compels  me,  in  the  face  of 
unusual  difficulties,  to  present  this  for  your  consideration,  not  with  that 
bounding  hope  or  with  that  courage  that  I  have  presented  this  in  other 
bodies  with  greater  measure  of  success  than  I  can  hope  for  here.  The 
great  and  supreme  im])ortance  of  this  question  is  alone  my  excuse  now 
for  the  few  words  that  I  shall  say  to  you. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  in  a  public  capacity  I  have  dealt  with 

it  now  for  twenty  years.     I  represent  a  State  that  produces  silver,  but  I 

w^ant  to  say  to  you  here  and  now  that  my  advocacy  of  the  proposition  is 

not  in  the  slightest  degree  influenced  or  controlled  by  that  fact. 

Why  He  I  contend  for  it,  because  I  believe  there  can  be  no  sound  financial 

Contends  lor 

Silver  system  in  any  country  in  the  world  that  does  not  recognize  this  principle. 

I  contend  for  it,  because  since  1873,  when  it  was  ruthlessly  stricken  from 
our  statutes,  there  has  been  a  continued  depreciation  of  all  the  products 
of  human  labor  and  human  energy.  I  contend  for  it,  because,  in  this 
year  of  1896,  the  American  people  are  in  greater  distress  than  they  ever 
were  in  their  histor>'.  I  contend  for  it  because  this  is,  in  my  judgment, 
the  great  weight,  the  great  incubus,  that  has  weighed  down  enterprise 
and  destroyed  progress  in  this  favored  land  of  ours. 

126 


Republican  National  Convention. 

I  contend  for  it  because  I  believe  the  progress  of  my  country  is  ^proK^cs^D^'* 
dependent  on  it.  I  contend  for  it,  because  I  believe  the  civilization  of  ^n**!*!"" 
the  world  is  to  be  determined  by  the  rightful  or  wrongful  solution  of  this 
financial  question.  I  am  tolerant  of  those  who  differ  with  me.  1  act 
from  judgment,  enlightened  as  best  as  I  have  been  able  to  enlighten  it, 
by  many  years  of  study  and  many  years  of  thought.  In  my  judgment 
the  American  people,  in  the  whole  line  of  their  history,  have  never  been 
called  upon  to  settle  a  question  of  greater  importance  to  them  than  this. 
The  great  contest  in  which  many  of  you  participated,  whether  we  should 
have  two  flags  or  one,  was  not  more  important  to  the  American  people 
than  the  question  of  a  proper  solution  of  what  shall  be  the  money 
system  of  this  land. 

I  have  said  enough  to  show  you  that  I  think  that  this  is  not  a  ques-    a  Question  of 
tion  of  policy,  but  a  question  of  principle.      It  is  not  a  mere  idle  thing,     "orpoHcy*' 
but  one  on  which  hangs  the  happiness,  the  prosperity,  the  morality  and 
the  independence  of  American  labor  and  American  producers. 

Confronted  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  this  glorious  party  of 
ours;  confronted,  I  saj',  for  the  first  time  with  danger  of  a  financial 
system  that,  in  my  judgment,  will  be  destructive  of  all  the  great  interests 
of  this  land,  we  are  called  upon  to  give  to  this  provision  of  our  platform 
our  adhesion  or  rejection. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  desire  to  say  unkind  or  unfriendly  things, 
and  I  will  touch  in  a  moment  and  only  for  a  moment  upon  the  reasons 
why  I  object  to  this  provision  of  this  platform.  The  Republican  part}' 
has  never  been  the  party  of  a  single  standard.  It  was  a  bimetallic  partj^ 
in  its  origin,  in  all  its  historj\  In  1888  it  declared  for  bimetallism;  in 
1892  it  declared  for  bimetallism.  In  1896  it  declares  for  a  single  gold 
standard. 

Mr.  President,  in   1888  we  carried  the  State  that  I  here  represent,      Colorado's 
for  whom?     For  the  Republican  nominee;  we  carried  it  on  a  bimetallic    ^*"tcfr>..   "" 
platform.     We  carried  it  with  a  majority'  that  was  equal,  considering  our 
vote,  to  that  of  any   State    in  the  Union.     It  has  been  a    Republican 
State    from    the    hour    of    its  admission.     It    has    kept  in   the    Senate, 
Republican  Senators,  and  in  the  House,  Republican  members. 

Mr.  President,  I  promised  you  that  I  would  not  discuss  the  silver  * 

question,  and  I  will  not,  except  to  say  that  this  platform  is  such  a 
distinct  departure  from  everj^thing  heretofore  held  by  this  party  that  it 
challenges  our  Republicanism  to  accept  it. 

Mr.  President,  the  platform  contains  some  platitudes  about 
international  conferences.  It  provides  that  we  will  maintain  the  gold 
standard  in  this  country  until  the  principal  nations  of  the  world  shall 
agree  that  we  may  do  otherwise. 

Mr.  President,  this  is  the  first  great  gathering  of  Republicans  since 
this  part}'  was  organized  that  has  declared  the  inability  of  the  American 
people  to  control  their  own  affairs. 

127 


Republican  National  Convention. 

To  my  horror,  this  declaration  comes  from  the  great  political  party 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

Do  you  believe  that  the  American  people  are  too  weak  to  actually 

maintain  a  financial   system  commensurate  with  the  greatness  of    the 

country  of  their  own  volition? 

Bimetallic  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  you  will  have  no  bimetallic  agree - 

uifh^^Kllropc    ment  with  all  the  great  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  and  it  can  not 

Impossible.      ^^  obtained.     So  Ihis  is  a  declaration,  that  the  gold  standard  is  to  be 

put  upon  this  country-  and  kept  here  for  all  time.     Do  you  believe  that 

Great  Britain,  that  great  commercial  nation  of  the  world,  do  you  believe 

that  Great  Britain,  our  powerful  competitor  in  commerce  and  trade,  will 

ever  agree  to  open   her  mints  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  or  consent 

that  we  shall  open  ours  as  long  as  she  gets  the  advantage  of  the  low 

prices  and  the  declining  values  that  have  been  brought  to  this  country 

by  the  adoption  of  a  gold  standard  in  1873  in  a  partial  degree  only? 

We  are  the  great  debtor  nation  of  the  world.  Great  Britain  is  the 
^A'^-^mx?"  great  creditor.  We  pay  her  ever}'  year  millions  and  hundreds  of  millions 
Interest.  ^f  dollars  as  income  on  her  investments  in  this  country  or  her  loans. 
The  gold  standard,  in  my  judgment,  lowers  prices  and  decreases  values. 
And  she  buys  of  us  millions  of  millions  more  than  she  (Great  Britain) 
sells.  She  buys  upon  a  gold  standard,  a  lowering  and  depreciating 
standard.  How  long  do  you  think  it  will  be  before  she  will  agree  to  a 
system  of  values  that  raises  the  price  of  the  farm  product  or  the  i)roducts 
of  our  mines  in  this  country'?  It  is  a  solemn  declaration  that  the  Repub- 
lican party  intends  to  maintain  low  prices  and  stagnate  business  for  all 
time  to  come. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  a  beautiful  provision  in  this  platform  about 
the  tariff.  Mr.  President,  I  subscribe  to  that.  I  believe  in  a  protective 
tariff.  I  have  advocated  it  for  forty  years.  But  it  is  my  solemn  convic- 
tion that  a  protective  tariff  can  not  be  maintained  upon  a  gold  standard. 
The  tariff  ])rotection  principle  is  for  the  raising  of  the  price  of  human 
toil,  it  is  for  giving  to  the  producer  ample  compensation  for  his  labor; 
the  gold  standard,  on  the  contrary',  everywhere  that  it  is  enforced,  is  for 
the  ])urpose  of  reducing  values. 

Now,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  am  going  to  make  this  simple 
objection  as  to  the  protective  system,  that  it  is  in  danger,  and  then  I  will 
call  your  attention  to  one  other  fact,  and  then  I  will  leave  it  to  your 
judgment  whether  this  platform  shall  be  adopted  or  whether  it  shall  be 
rejected. 

Under  existing  conditions,  we  undoubtedly  have  the  gold  standard. 

^andTiic    ^   I  do  uot  deny  that,  but  what  I  have  sought  for  twenty  years  is  to  change 

*  ani  ""'     it  to  the  bimetallic  system.     I   have  believed,  and  I  now  believe,  that 

when  the  Almighty  created  these  twin  metals,  he  intended  that  the  world 

should  use  them  for  the  puq^ose  for  which  they  were  created.       And 

when  he  blessed  this  land  of  ours  with  more  gold  and  more  silver  than 

128 


Thomas  C.  Platt,  ok  Nfav  York 


Republican  National  Coxvp:ntiox. 

any  other  country  in  the  world,  he  meant  that  we  should  use  them  for 
the  purpose  for  which  they  were  intended,  to -wit:  the  use  of  the  people 
as  standard  money.  We  to-day  reverse  the  traditions  of  our  country 
and  declare  we  will  use  only  one.  If  the  American  people  are  in  favor 
of  that,  I  have  nothing  to  say.  I  must  submit  to  the  majority  vote  and 
the  majority  voice  in  this  country  of  ours. 

I  do  not  believe  this  party  of  ours,  if  it  could  be  polled,  is  in  favor 

Kepublican 

of  the  single  gold  standard.     I  believe  that  90  per  cent  of  the  American    Party  wanu 
people  are  in  favor  of  bimetallism  of  the  old-fashioned  kind,  that  existed 
in  this  country  up  to  1873. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  promised  you 
that  I  would  not  take  but  a  few  moments,  and  I  believe  I  am  allowed 
only  a  few  moments  in  which  I  can  rapidly  address  you.  But  I  want  to 
say  a  few  things,  and  they  may  seem  to  you  to  be  personal,  and  that  they 
ought  not  to  be  introduced  in  an  audience  like  this.  I  must  beg  your 
indulgence  if  I  seem  to  transcend  the  proprieties  of  this  occasion,  if  I 
shall  say  something  personal  to  myself. 

I  have  formed  my  convictions  on  this  great  question  after  twenty 
years  of  study,  after  twenty  years  of  careful  thought  and  careful  reading. 
I  have  been  trained  in  a  school  that  it  seems  to  me  ought  to  fit  me  fairly  standard"  win 
well  for  reaching  just  conclusions  from  established  facts.  I  have  formed  "^ship."*^ 
my  conclusions  to  such  an  extent  that  they  become  binding  on  my  con- 
science. I  believe  that  the  adoption  of  the  gold  standard  in  the  United 
States  will  work  great  hardship;  that  it  will  increase  the  distress,  and 
that  no  legislation  touching  this  tariff  can  remove  the  difficulties  that 
now  all  admit  prevail  in  this  land.  I  believe  that  the  whole  welfare  of 
my  race  is  dependent  upon  a  rightful  solution  of  this  question  ;  that  the 
morality,  the  civilization,  nay,  the  very  religion  of  my  country  is  at  stake 
in  this  contest.  I  know  and  you  know  that  men  in  distress  are  neither 
patriotic  nor  brave.  You  and  I  know  that  hunger  and  distress  will 
destroy  patriotism  and  love  of  country.  If  you  have  love  of  country, 
patriotic  fervor  and  independence,  you  must  have  your  citizens  com- 
fortably fed  and  comfortably  clothed.  That  is  what  made  me  a 
Republican  in  1853,  that  is  what  made  me  a  Republican  during  all  these 
years,  because  I  believed  that  the  Republican  party  was  good  for  the 
great  masses  of  men,  that  its  legislation  was  intended  to  lift  up  and 
elevate  and  hold  up  and  sustain  the  unfortunate  and  the  distressed,  and 
give  all  American  citizens  equal  opportunities  before  the  law.  I  do  not 
believe  it  can  be  had  with  the  gold  standard. 

You  may  doubt  my  judgment,  and  many  of  you  will,  but  shall  I 
doubt  it?  I  must  act  upon  my  judgment,  and  not  upon  yours.  I  must 
answer  to  my  con.science  and  not  to  my  neighbor's:  I  must  do  my  duty 
as  it  is  presented  to  me,  and  not  as  presented  to  you. 

I   say  to  you  now,  that  I  may  hasten  my  remarks,  that  with  the      thr^vayf." 
solemn  conviction  upon  me  that  this  gold  plank  means  ultimate  disaster 

129 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Europe  and 
Bimetallism. 


A  Personal 
Explanation. 


A  Life-loHK 
Republicau. 


and  distress  to  my  fellowman,  I  can  not  subscribe  to  it,  and,  if  adopted, 
I  must,  as  an  honest  man,  sever  mj-  connection  with  the  political  organ- 
ization that  makes  that  one  of  the  niaiiji  articles  of  its  faith.  I  repeat 
here  what  I  said  yesterday  in  the  Committee,  I  would  not  upon  my  own 
judgment  alone,  carefully  as  I  have  attempted  to  prepare  it,  take  this 
step  alone.  My  friends,  I  am  sustained  in  my  view  of  the  danger  that 
is  coming  to  us,  and  coming  to  the  world  by  the  adoption  of  the  gold 
standard,  by  the  intelligence  of  the  entire  world. 

They  may  say  that  the  silver  question  is  a  craze.  Let  me  tell  you 
that  the  best  part  of  Kurope,  the  best  part  of  the  world,  is  with  the 
advocates  of  bimetallism.  All  the  great  political  teachers  of  Europe, 
with  the  exception  of  five  or  six,  are  the  pronounced  advocates  of 
bimetallism,  unrestricted  and  unrestrained  bimetallism.  All  of  the  great 
teachers  of  political  economy  in  the  European  colleges,  without  excep- 
tion, are  in  favor  of  bimetallism.  My  own  judgment,  based,  as  I  have 
said  to  you,  on  careful  preparation  and  careful  studj'  for  twenty  j-ears, 
bears  me  out,  and  ])uts  me  in  accord  with  them,  and  I  would  be  recreant 
to  my  trust,  given  to  me  by  the  people  of  my  State,  if  I  fail  to  protest 
here,  and  if  I  fail  when  the  Republican  party  makes  this  one  of  the 
tenets  of  its  faith  to  sever  my  connection  from  that  partj-. 

Mr.  President,  I  ask  your  kind  permission  to  say  a  few  things  per- 
sonal to  myself,  and  when  I  have  said  that,  having  told  you  what  my 
con.science  demands  that  I  should  do,  I  will  leave  this  question  for  your 
consideration. 

Do  you  suppose  that  myself  and  my  associates,  who  act  with  me 
and  take  the  same  view  of  this  question  that  I  do — do  you  suppose  that 
we  can  take  this  step  without  distress?  Do  you  suppose  that  we  could 
take  it  for  any  personal  advantage,  or  any  honor  that  could  be  conferred 
upon  us?  We  say  it  is  a  question  of  duty.  You  may  nominate  in  this 
Convention  any  man  you  choose ;  if  you  will  put  him  on  the  right  kind 
of  a  platform  I  will  vote  for  him.  You  may  take  any  methods  to  nom- 
inate him  that  you  think  i^rojicr.  I  will  defer  to  your  judgment  and 
Support  him,  if  the  ])latform  is  a  right  one;  but  when  you  ask  me  here 
now  to  surrender  to  you  my  ])rinciples,  as  an  honest  man,  I  can  not  do 
that.  1  realize  what  it  will  cost  us.  I  realize  the  gibes  and  sneers  and 
the  contumely  that  will  be  heaped  upon  us ;  but,  my  fellow  citizens,  I 
have  been  through  this  before — before  the  political  party  to  which  you 
belong  had  a  being.  I  have  advocated  a  cause  more  unpopular  than  the 
silver  cause.  I  have  stood  for  the  doctrine  of  free  men,  free  homes  and 
free  speech.  I  am  used  to  detraction ;  I  am  used  to  abuse,  and  I  have 
had  it  heaped  upon  me  without  stint. 

When  the  Republican  party  was  organized  I  was  there.  It  has 
never  had  a  national  candidate  since  it  was  organized  that  my  voice  has 
not  been  raised  in  his  support.  It  has  never  had  a  great  principle 
enunciated  in  its  platform  that  has  not  had  my  approbation,  until  now. 


130 


Republican  National  Convention. 


With  its  distinguished  leaders,  its  distinguished  men  of  forty  years,  I 
have  been  in  close  communion  and  close  friendship.  I  have  shared  in 
its  honors  and  in  its  few  defeats  and  disasters.  Do  you  think  that  we 
can  sever  our  connection  with  a  party  like  this,  unless  it  be  as  a  matter 
of  duty,  a  duty  not  to  our  States,  but  a  duty  to  all  people  of  this  great 
land? 

Mr.  President,  there  are  few  men  in  a  political  party  that  have  been 
honored  more  than  I  have  by  the  ])eople  of  the  State  in  which  they  live. 
There  are  few  men  in  this  Convention  or  anywhere  else  that  have  been 
longer  connected  with  this  organization  than  I.  There  are  few  men  in  it 
who  have  been  more  active,  and  none  in  it,  no,  not  one,  who  have  been 
more  attached  to  the  great  principles  of  this  party  than  I  have  been,  and  I 
can  not  go  out  of  it  without  heart  burnings,  and  a  feeling  that  no  man  can 
appreciate  who  has  not  endured  it;  and  j-et  I  can  not,  before  my  country 
and  my  God,  agree  to  the  provision  that  shall  put  upon  this  country'  a 
gold  standard,  and  I  will  not. 

And  I  do  not  care  what  may  be  the  result ;  if  it  takes  me  out  of 
political  life,  I  v/ill  go  out  with  a  feeling  that  at  least  I  maintain  my 
consistency  and  my  manhood,  and  that  mj'  conscience  is  clear  and  that 
my  country  will  have  no  right  to  find  fault  with  me. 

I  beg  3'our  pardon  for  saying  things  so  personal,  but  yet  if  a 
personal  act,  that  to  some  implies  perfidy  and  dishonor,  is  about  to  be 
taken,  I  think  it  byt  just  to  myself  and  my  associates  that  I  should 
proclaim  to  you  that  we  take  this  step,  not  in  anger,  not  in  pique,  not 
because  we  dislike  the  nominee  prospectively  or  other\vise,  but  because 
our  conscience  requires,  as  honest  men,  that  we  should  make  this 
sacrifice,  for  sacrifice  we  feel  that  it  is. 

Thanking  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  kind  attention,  retiring  from  3'ou 
as  I  do,  perhaps  never  again  to  have  an  opportunity  of  addressing  a 
Republican  Convention,  I  can  not  do  it  without  saying  that  after  all  I 
have  in  my  heart  a  hope — nay,  I  have  an  expectation,  that  better 
counsels  will  prevail,  and  that  if  you  should  be  foolish  enough  to  adopt 
this  platform  and  force  us  to  leave  the  Republican  party,  that  better 
counsel  will  prevail  and  ultimately,  on  a  true  Republican  platform, 
sustaining  Republican  principles,  I  may  have  the  inestimable  privilege  of 
again  addressing  you. 


Leaves  the 

Party  in 

Sorrow  Rather 

Than  in 

Anger. 


Mr.  Foraker  moved  to  lav  the   silver  substitute  on  the  contest  on  the 

•'  Silver  Sub- 

table,  and  he  was  seconded  by  Senator  Lodge.  stitute. 

Senator  Teller  demanded  a  roll  call  on  the  motion,  and 
was  seconded  by  Senator  Mantle,  of  Montana,  and  Mr.  Cleve- 
land, of  Nevada. 


131 


The 
Silver  Substi- 
tute Beaten. 


Repubucan  National  Convkntion. 

The  roll  call  was  had,  and  the  vote  to  la}^  the  substitute  on 
the  table  was  as  follows — the  g^old  standard  men  voting  yea, 
and  the  silver  standard  men,  nay : 

State.  Total  Vote 

Alabama 22 

Arkansas 16 

Calihornia 18 

Colorado    8 

Connecticut     12 

Dklawark 6 

Florida 8 

Okorcia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana    .   .   ."^ 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts 30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota     18 

Mississippi     18 

Missouri     34 

Montana 6 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 6 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 20 

New  York 72 

North  Carolina 22 

North  Dakota 6 

Ohio 46 

Oregon    8 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina      18 

South  Dakota 8 

Tennessee     24 

Texas 30 

Utah     6 

Vermont     8 

Virginia 24 

Washington 8 

West  Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 24 

Wyoming 6 

Arizona 6 

New  Mexico 6 

Oklahoma 6 

Indian  Territory 6 

District  ok  Columbia 2 

Alaska     4 

Total 924      818>^      105>^ 


E.  Yeas 

Nav 

15 

7 

15 

1 

3 

15 

S 

12 

6 

6 

2 

23 

3 

6 

47 

1 

30 

... 

26 

16 

4 

26 

16 

12 

... 

16 

•  •• 

30 

•  •• 

27 

1 

18 

18 

33 

1 

6 

16 

6 

8 

20 

72 

1^1 

i4j 

6 

46 

8 

64 

... 

8 

18 

6 

2 

23 

1 

30 

... 

6 

8 

19 

5 

8 

12 

24 

6 

... 

6 

3 

3 

5 

1 

6 

2 

... 

4 

... 

The  motion  to  table  the  substitute  thus  prevailed. 

Mr.  Foraker  moved  the  previous  question  on  the  adoption 
of  the  platform,  and  was  seconded  by  Massachusetts  and 
Pennsylvania. 


132 


Republican  National  Convp:ntion. 


Senator  Dubois,  of  Idaho,  demanded  a  separate  vote  on 
the  adoption  of  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform,  and  was 
seconded  by  North  Carolina  and  Montana. 

The  vote  to  adopt  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform  was 
as  follows,  the  gold  men  voting  yea  and  the  silver  men  nay : 

Staie.  Total  Vote.  Yeas.    Nays. 

Al..\BAMA 22  19      3 

Arkansas 16  15              1 

California 18  4            14 

Colorado 8  ...  8 

Connecticut 12  12 

Dki.awark 6  6 

Florida 8  7  1 

Georgia 26  25             1 

Idaho 6  ...  6 

Illinois 48  46             2 

Indiana 30  30 

Iowa 26  23             3 

Kansas     20  15             5 

Kentucky 26  26 

Louisiana 16  16 

Maine 12  12 

Maryland 16  16 

Mass.\chusetts 30  30 

Michigan 28  25             3 

Minnesota     18  18 

Mississippi 18  18 

Missouri     34  3i             1 

MONT.\NA 6  ...  6 

Nebraska 16  13             3 

Nevada 6  ...  6 

New  Hampshire 8  8 

New  Jersey 20  20 

New  York 72  72 

North  Carolina 22  14>^          7^ 

North  Dakota 6  6 

Ohio 46  46 

Oregon 8  8 

Pennsylvani.\ 64  64 

Rhode  Island 8  8 

South  Carolina IS  18 

South  Dakota 8  6  2 

Tennessee     24  23             1 

Texas • 30  30 

Utah     6  ...             6 

Vermont 8  8 

Virginia 24  17             7 

Washington 8  8 

West  Virginia 12  12 

Wisconsin 24  24 

Wyoming 6  ...             6 

Arizona 6  ...             6 

New  Mexico 6  2             4 

Okl.\homa 6  ...             6 

Indian  Territory 6  6 

District  of  Columbia 2  2 

Alaska 4  4 

Total 923      SU^i      110>2' 

The  financial   plank  of   the  platform  was  thus   adopted. 

Then  the  whole  platform  was  adopted  by  a  vwa  voce  vote. 


The 

Gold  Plank 

Adopted. 


The  Platform 
Adopted. 


133 


Republican  National  Convention. 

The  climax  was  now  at  hand.  Senator  Teller  went  to  the 
platform,  followed  by  Senator  Cannon,  of  Utah.  Chairman 
Thurston  asked  the  Convention  to  allow  Senator  Cannon,  as 
a  matter  of  personal  privilege,  to  read  the  statement  prepared 
by  the  silver  men.  There  was  no  dissent,  and  the  Senator 
read  it,  as  follows: 

THE   SILVER    MEN'S   STATEMENT. 
Appeal   to  the  To    THE     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL     CONVENTION     OF    THE     UNITED 

pXMionuoi  g.j,^^j,g.  j,j  announcing  the  purpose  asserted  in  this  paper  it  is  due  to 
our  constituents  and  to  ourselves  that  there  shall  be  a  public  showing  of 
vindicating  facts.  The  sole  authorized  expression  of  national  Repub- 
lican faith  from  June  9,  1892,  until  the  present  date  has  been  the 
l)latform  adopted  in  National  Convention  at  Minneapolis.  Neither  the 
utterances  of  the  State  Conventions  nor  the  attitude  of  the  individuals 
could  change  the  tenor  of  that  platform,  or  abate  the  sanctity  of  its 
binding  force.  Every  delegate  to  this  Convention  was  elected  as  its 
adherent  and  its  advocate. 

True,  one  of  its  most  important  paragraphs  has  been  subjected  to 
such  a  divergence  of  construction  as  to  make  its  language  unsatisfactory 
during  the  intervening  time,  and  dangerous  if  continued  in  the  future; 
but  of  the  intent  contained  within  the  language  there  has  never  been  a 
doubt.  It  is  the  rightful  province  of  this  Convention  to  revise  the  party 
tenets,  and  to  announce  anew  the  i)arty  purpose. 
Pi*  "**'?."•»  The  majority  of  this  Convention  in  the  exercise  of  such  authority 

of  !»*•*)  «n  Con-  ^  •'  •' 

flict  With  n.  has  this  day  made  official  enunciation  of  Republican  law  and  gospel. 
With  much  of  the  i)latform  we  agree ;  believing  that  it  in  many  essential 
l)articulars  compasses  the  needs  of  humanity,  aflinns  the  maintenance  of 
rights,  and  proposes  the  just  remedy  for  wrong.  But  it  declares  one 
elemental  ])rinci]ilc,  not  only  in  direct  contravention  of  the  expression 
of  party  faith  in  1.S92,  but  in  radical  opposition  to  our  solemn  conviction. 
We  recognize  that  in  all  matters  of  mere  method  it  is  but  just  and  help- 
ful that  the  minority  shall  yield  to  the  will  of  the  majorit>',  lest  we 
have  chaos  in  ])arties  and  in  government. 

But  as  no  pronouncement  by  majorities  can  change  opposing 
knowledge  or  belief  sincerely  entertained,  so  it  cannot  oblige  minorities 
to  abandon  or  disavow  their  principles.  Assuredly,  as  it  is  requisite  for 
peace  and  progress  that  minorities  shall  yield  to  majorities  in  matters  of 
mere  method,  just  so  surely  is  it  necessar>'  for  that  same  peace  and 
progress  that  minorities  shall  not  yield  in  matters  of  fundamental  truth. 

The  Deliver-  The  Republican  platform  of  1892  affirmed  that  the  American  people 

anceoflS9J  ft 

Miaijt  Hiinei-   from  tradition  and  interest  favored  bimetallism  and  demanded  the  use  of 

uUisni.  . 

both  gold  and  silver  as  standard  money.     This  was  accepted  by  us  as  a 

134 


Republican  National  Convention. 

declaration  in  behalf  of  the  principle  upon  which  rests  the  interest  of 
every  citizen  and  the  safety  of  the  United  States.  In  such  terms  the 
platform  was  then  satisfactory  to  the  believers  in  bimetallism  within  our 
party.  Only  because  of  equivocal  construction  and  evasion  has  it  since 
been  demonstrated  to  be  insufficient. 

The  platform  this  day  adopted  in  the  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion at  St.  Louis,  says:  The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound 
money.  It  caused  the  enactment  of  the  law  providing^  for  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments  in  1879;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good 
as  gold.  We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to 
debase  our  currency  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  country.  We  are,  there- 
fore, opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  international 
agreement  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  which  we 
pledge  ourselves  to  promote;  and  until  such  an  agreement  can  be 
obtained  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be  preser\'ed.  All  our  silver 
and  paper  currency  must  be  maintained  at  parity  with  gold,  and  we  favor 
all  measures  designed  to  maintain  inviolably  these  obligations  of  the 
United  States  and  all  our  money,  either  coin  or  paper,  at  the  present 
standard,  the  standard  of  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

As  the  declaration  of  1892  has  been,  by  a  majority  of  the  party, 
construed  to  justify  a  single  gold  standard  for  our  monetary  basis,  and  piank  of  i8% 
as  the  recent  trend  of  the  official  power  of  the  party  has  been  in  that  Monomet- 
direction,  we  can  but- assume  that  the  money  plank  of  the  new  platform, 
being  much  more  favorable  to  perpetual  gold  monometallism,  will  be 
determinedly  used  in  behalf  of  that  idea.  The  Republican  party  has 
won  its  power  and  renown  by  pursuing  its  purposes  courageously  and 
relentlessly;  it  is,  therefore,  only  in  accordance  with  the  party's  history 
to  assume  that  if  it  shall  come  to  present  authority  in  the  United  States 
it  will  crystallize  into  law  and  administration,  under  this  tempting  plat- 
form, the  perpetual  single  gold  standard  in  our  finances.  This,  if  long 
continued,  will  mean  the  absolute  ruin  of  the  producer  of  the  country, 
and  finally  of  the  nation  itself. 

The  American  people  not  only  favor  bimetallism  from  tradition  and 
interest,  but  from  that  wise  instinct  which  has  always  been  manifest  in 
the  affairs  of  a  people  destined  for  the  world's  leadership.  Under  the 
operation  of  our  great  demand  for  advancement,  we  have  become  to 
other  nations  the  greatest  debtor  nation  of  the  world.  We  pay  the  vast 
charges  which  every  year  accumulate  against  us  in  the  clearing-house  of 
the  world,  with  the  money  of  the  world  procured  by  the  disposal  of  our 
commodities  in  the  markets  of  the  world.     We  are  a  nation  of  producers.    ^'«'*^<'  states 

the  Cireatest 

Our  creditors  are  nations  of   consumers.     Any  system  of  international  Debtor  Nation, 
or  national  finance  which  elevates  the  price  of  human  product  makes  our 
burden  lighter,  and   gives  promise  of  that  day  when  it  shall  be  entirely 
lifted    and  our  country  freed  financially,  as  it  is    politically,    from'  the 
domination  of  monarchy  and  foreign  autocracy. 

135 


allism. 


The 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Any  system  of  finance  which  tends  to  depreciate  the  price  of  human 
productions,  which  we  must  sell  abroad,  so  far  adds  to  the  burden  of  our 
debt,  and  conveys  a  threat  of  the  perpetual  servitude  of  the  producers  of 
our  debtor  nation  to  the  consumers  of  creditor  nations. 

History,  philosophy,  morals,  all  join  with  the  commonest  instinct  of 
self-preservation  in  demanding  that  the  United  States  shall  have  a  just 
and  substantially  unvar>'ing  standard  composed  of  all  available  gold  and 
silver,  and  with  it  our  country  will  progress  to  financial  enfranchisement. 
But  with  a  single  gold  standard  the  country  will  go  on  to  the  worst 
destruction  ;  to  continued  falling  prices ;  until  our  people  would  become 
the  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  the  consumers  in  creditor 
nations  of  the  earth. 

To  such  an  unholy  end  we  will  not  lend  ourselves.  Dear  as  has 
been  the  Republican  name  to  us,  adherence  to  that  name  is  not  so  dear 
as  the  faith  itself,  and  we  do  not  sacrifice  one  jot  or  tittle  of  the  might)' 
principles  by  which  Republicanism  has  uplifted  the  world  when  we  say 
that  at  the  parting  of  the  ways  we  cling  to  the  faith,  let  the  name  go 
DiHcani  th.-  where  it  will.  We  hold  that  this  Convention  has  seceded  from  the  truth  ; 
Cling  to  the  that  the  triumi)h  of  such  secession  would  be  the  eventual  destruction  of 
our  freedom  and  our  civilization.  To  that  end  the  people  will  not  know- 
ingly follow  any  political  party ;  and  we  choose  to  take  our  place  in  the 
ranks  of  the  great  mass  of  citizens  who  realize  that  the  hour  has  come 
for  justice. 

Did  we  deem  this  issue  less  important  to  humanity  we  would  yield, 
since  the  associations  of  all  our  political  lives  have  been  intertwined  with 
the  men  and  the  measures  of  this  party  of  past  mighty  achievements.  But 
the  people  cry  aloud  for  relief ;  they  are  bending  beneath  a  burden  grow  - 
ing  heavier  with  the  passing  hours;  endeavor  no  longer  brings  its  just 
reward;  fearfulness  takes  the  place  of  courage,  and  despair  usurps  the 
throne  of  hope,  and  unless  the  laws  of  the  country  and  the  policies  of 
political  parties  shall  be  converted  into  mediums  of  redress,  the  effect  of 
human  desperation  may  some  time  be  witnessed  here  as  in  other  lands 
and  in  other  ages. 

Accepting  the  fiat  of  this  Convention  as  the  present  purpose  of  the 
party,  we  withdraw  from  this  Convention  to  return  to  our  constituents 
the  authority  with  which  they  invested  us,  believing  that  we  have  better 
discharged  their  trust  by  this  action,  which  restores  to  them  authority 
unsullied,  than  by  giving  cowardly  and  insincere  endorsement  to  the 
They  With  greatest  wrong  ever  wilfully  attempted  within  the  Republican  party — 
comJutTon.*^  ouce  redeemer  of  the  people,  but  now  about  to  become  their  oppressor, 
unless  providentially  restrained  by  votes  of  free  men. 

The  statement  was  signed  by  Senator  Teller,  of  Colorado ; 
Senator  Dubois,  of  Idaho;  Senator  Cannon,  of  Utah;  Repre- 
sentative Hartman,  of  Montana,  and  Mr.  A.  C.  Cleveland,  of 

136 


Republican  National  Convkntion. 

Nevada,  as  the  representatives  of  their  respective  States  on 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Messrs.  Teller  and  Cannon  then  shook  hands  with  Chair-  '^''' n«cJ*''" 
man  Thurston  and  Mr.  Foraker,  descended  from  the  platform, 
edged  their  way  through  the  aisle,  and  passed  out  of  the  hall, 
followed  by  about  twenty  other  silver  delegates,  amid  the 
yells,  hoots,  cheers  and  hisses  of  the  audience,  the  waving  of 
hats,  handkerchiefs,  umbrellas,  and  flags,  the  playing  of  the 
band,  and  a  general  tumult  such  as  was  never  paralleled  in 
any  other  Republican  National  Convention. 

Several  silver  delegates  who   remained   in   the    hall   now    The  siivcHte 

.  Non-Bolters 

explained  why  they  did  not  bolt.    Senator  Mantle,  of  Montana,       Explain, 
spoke  thus : 

SENATOR   mantle's   .STATEMENT. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Republican  National  Montana  ois- 
CoNVENTiON :  There  is  evidentl)^  a  misapprehension  as  to  my  position  the'n'inanciai 
and  that  which  those  who  remain  with  me  occupy  in  reference  to  this  I'lant. 
Convention.  I  desire  to  say  that  a  majority  of  the  delegation  from  the 
State  of  Montana  have  not  felt  that  under  the  circumstances  surrounding 
this  occasion  they  were  justified  in  actually  walking  out  of  the 
Convention.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  must  s%js  in  deference  to  the  wishes 
and  opinions  of  a  vast  majority  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of 
Montana,  that  we  cannot  give  our  approval  or  our  endorsement  to  the 
financial  plank  this  daj'  adopted.  The  gentlemen  who  are  here  in  this 
Convention  from  their  respective  States  represent  the  sentiments  of  the 
people  who  sent  them  here.  We,  of  Montana,  are  here  precisely  in  the 
same  position.  Under  the  pledges  made  by  the  Republican  party  in  its 
national  platform,  we,  of  the  West,  went  out  and  said  to  our  people, 
"The  Republican  party  is  the  friend  of  silver;  it  has  declared  that  it  is 
in  favor  of  gold  and  silver  as  the  standard  money  of  this  nation." 
Upon  that  statement,  although  we  encountered  the  Populist  wave  which 
swept  through  our  Western  land,  we  were  enabled  to  keep  the  State  of 
Montana  within  the  Republican  column  and  cast  its  electoral  vote  for 
Benjamin  Harrison;  but,  Mr.  Chairman,  had  it  been  stated  that  the 
Republican  party  was  then  in  favor  of  the  single  gold  standard,  that 
achievement  would  have  been  impossible. 

I  am  simply  expressing  the  sentiment  of  the  people  who  sent  us 
here,  and  they  have  never  been  anywhere  but  in  the  Republican  part>'. 
I  have  never  cast  in  my  life  anything  but  a  Republican  vote,  and  I  don't 
want  to  do  it  now  if  I  can  help  it ;  but  we  have  come  here  under  explicit 

137 


REPrBLiCAN  National  Convention. 

direction,  under  strict  instructions  from  the  Republicans  of  our  State. 
We  would  be  false  to  them  and  false  to  ourselves  if  we  did  not  state  their 
position  and  their  objections  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  Republicans  of 
^AgaiB^T'jt'*  Montana,  I  protest  earnestly,  solemnly  and  emphatically  against  the 
financial  plank  of  the  platform  adopted  this  day,  and  I  say  this,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  we  can  not  accept  it,  we  can  not  indorse  it,  we  can  not 
support  it.  But  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  in 
this  delegation.  There  are  those  who  are  satisfied  to  utter  this  protest 
*  and  still  participate  in  the  proceedings  of  this  Convention.  There  are 
others  who  feel  that  in  refusing  to  support  the  majority  declaration  on 
this  great  controlling  issue  that  they  are  in  honor  bound  not  to  partici  - 
pate  in  the  placing  of  a  candidate  upon  a  platform  which  they  can  not 
indorse.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  whatever  the  action  of  the  delegation  may 
be  among  its  individual  members,  I  want  to  say  this,  that  we  reserve  the 
right  to  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of  Montana  to  accept  or  reject  at 
such  time  and  in  such  manner  as  they  may  determine,  the  platform  and 
the  candidates  this  day  placed  before  them  in  this  Convention. 

Senator  Brown,  of  Utah,  followed.     He  said: 

SENATOR    brown's   EXPLANATION. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Thedelega- 
the  Party.  tion  from  Utah  does  not  bolt.  We  do  not  believe  that  the  Republican  party 
is  an  oppressor,  but  the  guardian  of  liberty  and  the  protector  of  honest 
government  everywhere.  Three  of  our  delegates  have  gone  and  I  am 
here  to  express  our  sorrow  at  their  departure.  We  have  begged  them  to 
remain  and  we  shall  never  cease  to  urge  them  to  return.  It  is  personal, 
largely,  however.  As  I  said  before,  we  have  three  delegates  in  this 
Convention  and  we  have  three  alternates,  Mr.  Rogers,  Mr.  Green  and 
Mr.  Smith,  all  true  to  the  old  Republican  party.  We  have  come  before 
you  as  staunch  and  stalwart  Republicans  and  as  loyal  to  its  principles 
as  the  everlasting  mountains  are  up  where  we  live.  We  do  not,  in 
saying  this,  surrender  anything  of  the  belief  that  we  have,  and  I  shall 
not  weary  you  with  a  speech  on  that  subject.  We  still  remain  true  to 
the  principles  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  old  ratio.  W^e  do  not 
believe  it  can  be  settled  by  a  mere  vote  this  fall  or  a  mere  vote  in  this 
Convention. 

wmusAmeri-  Time,  prosperity  and    success  only    can  settle  it,   and  when    it   is 

cani'roitction.  settled  that  way  it  will  be  the  redemption  of  silver  as  constitutional 
nionej'.  But,  as  I  said,  I  promised  not  to  speak  to  you  on  that  subject. 
I  come  to  say  to  j'ou  that  there  is  one  great  issue  before  the  American 
peo])le,  one  unto  which  the  Republican  part}'  was  pledged  years  and 
years  ago;  one  which  we  have  not  j-et  fulfilled.     You  have  promised  to 

138 


Rki'Ublican  National  Coxvkntion. 

the  people  of  the  United  States  an  American  tariff  and  American  protec- 
tion. That  promise  you  must  fulfill  this  fall.  You  must  send  protection 
to  every  shipowner  and  every  shi]nnaker ;  you  nuist  send  protection  to 
the  farmer,  to  the  manufacturer,  and  I  come  to  .say  to  you  that  Utah,  or 
part  of  us,  at  least,  will  endeavor  to  labor  to  help  you  in  that  cause. 

We  will  go  to  the  people  of  that  State;  we  will  go  to  the  protec- 
tionist's of  that  State ;  and  we  will  labor  with  them  to  see  if  we  cannot 
send  three  electors,  who  shall  vote  for  the  nominee  of  this  Convention, 
whoever  he  may  be.  We  will  labor  to  see  to  it  that  we  have  the  repre- 
sentation in  Congress  that  will  vote  for  ever>'  tariff  bill  that  comes  up. 
We  have  never  faltered  at  home  on  that  subject;  we  are  with  you.  We 
have  some  doubt  or  misgiving  of  the  past,  but  our  hearts  will  reach 
forward,  and  we  will  struggle  to  convince  you  that  we  are  right  on  the 
silver  question.  But  whether  you  are  right  or  we  are  right,  we  will 
work  together,  and  we  will  work  with  jou  for  the  great  cause  of  Ameri- 
canism. And  now,  Mr.  President,  I  beg  that  the  three  alternates  be 
allowed  with  us  as  delegates  in  this  Convention  to  take  the  place  of  those 
who  have  retired. 

A.  F.  Burleigh,  of  the  State  of  Washington,  followed 
Senator  Brown,  thus : 

MR.  Burleigh's  remarks. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  National  Republican 
Convention  :  Coming  from  the  only  Pacific  Coast  State  which  declared  ^efil'°«  i*n 
in  its  platform  for  the  maintenance  of  the  present  gold  standard  and  *  *^^*^r(L'*" 
against  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  I  desire  to  take  your  attention  for  one 
moment.  The  young  State  of  Washington,  smaller  than  man}-  of  her 
magnificent  sisters  in  this  Union,  yields  first  place,  for  patriotic  devotion 
to  the  principles  of  this  Government,  and  loyal  allegiance  to  the  tenets 
of  the  Republican  party,  to  none. 

We  have  not  come  here  to  imbibe  inspiration  on  the  money  question. 
We  brought  our  inspiration  with  us,  2500  miles,  from  the  Pacific  Coast, 
and  through  the  States  of  Idaho  and  Montana,  and  it  is  just  as  good  here 
now  and  just  as  ferv'^ent  as  before  it  made  the  journey. 

We  believe  in  a  single  gold  standard,  because  we  think  that  the 
money  which  pa3's  interest  to  the  banker  on  Wall  street  is  none  too  good 
to  pay  the  wages  of  labor  in  Washington. 

And  with  the  principles  of  this  party  inscribed  upon  our  banner, 
with  protection,  with  reciprocity,  with  sound  money  as  defined  by  this 
platform,  and  with  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Republicans  of  that 
State  for  President,  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  we  shall  go  to  Repub- 
lican victorj'  at  the  polls  in  November,  and  with  us  will  go  the  loyal 
people  of  the  State  of  Washington. 

139 


Republican  National  Convention. 

The  roll  was  then  called,  that  each  State  and  Territory 
might  name  its  member  of  the  National  Committee.  This 
body  is  as  follows : 


National  Com-    ALABAMA — William  Youiigblood. 
Ts96^f9C0.'       Arkansas— Powell  Clayton. 

California — J.  D.  Spreckles. 
Colorado — J.  F.  Sanders. 
CONNKCTICUT — Samuel  Fessenden . 
Delaware — J.  H.  Wilson. 
Florida — ^J.  G.  Long. 
Georgia — Judson  W.  Lyon. 
Idaho — George  F.  Shoup. 
Illinois— T.  N.  Jameson. 
Indiana— W.  T.  Durbin. 
Iowa — A.  B.  Cummings. 
Kansas — Cyrus  Leland. 
Kentucky— John  W.  Yerkes. 
Louisiana — A.  T.  Wimberly. 
Maine — J.  H.  Manley. 
Maryland — George  L.  Wellington. 
Massachusetts— George  H.  Lyman. 
Michigan— George  L.  Maltz. 
Minnesota— L.  F.  Hul)bard. 
Mississippi— James  J.  Hill. 
Missouri — R.  C.  Kerens. 
Montana— Charles  R.  Leonard. 
Nebraska — John  M.  Thurston. 


Nevada — C.  H.  Sproule. 
New  Hampshire — P.  C.  Cheney. 
New  Jersey— G.  A.  Hobart. 
New  York — Frederick  Gibbs. 
North  Carolina — J.  E.  Boyd. 
North  Dakota— W.  H.  Hopkins. 
Ohio— Charles  L.  Kurtz. 
Oregon — George  A.  Steele. 
Pennsylvania— M.  S.  Quay. 
Rhode  Island — C.  R.  Bray  ton. 
South  Carolina- E.  A.  Webster. 
South  Dakota— A.  B.  Kittredge. 
Tennessee— W.  P.  Brownlow. 
Texas— John  Grant. 
Utah— O.  J.  Salsbury. 
Vermont— George  T.  Childs. 
Virginia — George  E.  Bowden. 
Washington— P.  C.  Sullivan. 
West  Virginia— N.  B.  Scott. 
Wisconsin— H.  C.  Payne. 
Wyoming — Willis  Vandevander. 
Arizona— W.  M.  Griffith. 
New  Mexico — Solomon  Luna. 
Oklahoma — Henry  E.  Asp. 


Indian  Territory— Leo  K.  Bennett. 


Presidential 
AspirantH  pre- 
sented. 


Marcus  A.  Hanna,  of  Ohio,  was  made  Chairman  of  the 
Committee.  The  members  from  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
Alaska  were  to  be  selected  b}^  the  Executive  Committee. 

The  roll  of  States  was  then  called  for  the  presentation  of 
Presidential  aspirants.  John  N.  Baldwin,  of  Iowa,  spoke 
for  Senator  Allison,  as  follows: 


BALDWIN    PRESENTS   ALLISON. 


Blaine's  Tri- 
bute to  .\llison. 


Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  There  is 
one,  but  only  one,  of  those  whose  names  will  be  presented  to  this 
ConYention  who  can  claim  that  there  has  been  placed  for  him  in  history's 
golden  urn  an  estimate  of  his  character  and  worth,  made  by  him  on 
whom  nature  stamped  her  royal  seal,  God  exhibited  as  his  greatest 
design  of   American  manhood,  genius,  statesmanship  and  patriotism; 


140 


Republican  National  Convention. 

who,  now  ill  heaven,  wears  a  crown  of  deathless  praise  and  whose  great 
soul  is  a  portion  of  eternity  itself — James  G.  Blaine. 

Blaine,  writing  to  Garfield,  said,  "Then  comes  Allison.  He  is  true, 
kind,  reasonable,  fair,  honest  and  good.  He  is  methodical,  industrious 
and  intelligent,  and  would  be  a  splendid  man  to  sail  along  with  smoothly 
and  successfully." 

Complying  with  the  request  of  the  Iowa  delegation,  I  rise  to 
propose  to  this  Convention  the  nomination  of  him  to  whom  this  heritage 
was  bequeathed,  William  B.  Allison,  and  to  ask  you  to  make  it  on  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  of  Republicanism. 

It  takes  a  big  man  to  represent  the  State  of  Iowa  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  for  thirty -five  years,  but  Senator  Allison  is  that  man. 
With  the  most  perfect  knowledge  of  the  details  of  all  our  political  laws 
and  their  histories,  he  has  for  thirty -five  years  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House  and  Senate  been  fighting  for  the  interests  of  the  people ;  carr>'ing 
onward  and  upward  the  nation's  legislative  work ;  turning  cranks  out  of 
place ;  unsphering  stars  of  Democracy ;  unmasking  the  hidden  purposes 
of  corrupt  measures,  until  now  he  holds  the  place  of  ungrudged 
supremacy  in  the  legislative  halls  of  that  most  splendid  of  capitols. 

That  which  this  country  has  lost  is  that  which  it  now  seeks, 
protection.  To  get  it  the  people  have  worked  hard,  pra^^ed  fast,  paid 
high,  and  now  let  them  have  it.  Allison  does  not  believe  in  a  tariff  for 
revenue  only,  but  in  a. tariff  for  protection  and  revenue  jointly.  He  has 
always  insisted  that  the  protective  system  is  the  mightiest  instrument  for 
the  development  of  our  natural  resources,  and  the  strongest  agency  to 
protect  American  wealth  and  American  labor.  Protection  built  the 
laborer  his  American  home,  and  he  never  again  will  welcome  therein 
Democratic  sirens,  singing  free  trade  songs,  written  and  composed 
by  English  bards,  for,  having  chiseled  the  principles  of  protection 
in  his  hearthstone,  he  will  at  the  next  election  defend  them  at  his  front 
gate. 

The  great  and  important  issue  which  is  just  now  coming  around  the 
comer  is  the  one  of  sound  money,  and  we  can  no  more  dodge  it  than 
we  can  gravitation.  When  I  say  sound  money  I  mean  the  courageous 
maintenance  of  our  present  gold  standard  till  changed  by  international 
agreement.  In  this  respect  the  situation  is  easily  simple,  but  certainly 
serious.  A  decision  upon  this  important  question  must  be  made  by  this 
Convention,  and  remember,  gentlemen,  a  nation  listens  to  catch  the 
click  of  its  fate. 

For  Senator  Allison  you  can  not  build  too  strong  a  platform  for 
sound  money,  and  if  you  place  him  upon  it  he  will  see  to  it  that  the  dry 
rot  of  16  to  1  does  not  steal  through  its  staunch  timbers.  The  United 
States  can  no  more  make  good  money  by  simply  placing  the  symbol  of 
sovereignty  or  mark  of   authority  on  any  kind  of  metal,  regardless  of 


Alti<>on'<) 

KnowledKC  o.' 

Politics. 


Protection. 


Sound   Money. 


141 


Republican  National  Convention. 


its  commercial  value  or  relations  to  foreign  countries,  than  it  can  extend 
its  domain  by  calling  a  furlong  a  mile. 

He  believes  that  the  American  dollar  should  have  some  grains  of 

coinaK^Mrans  scusc  as  Well  as  morc  of  silver ;  that  there  can  be  no  stability  to  our 

Bankruptcy,    currency  or  money,  if  we  keep  adopting  such  shifting  policies  as  that 

under  them  the  same  ])iece  may  be  a  copi)er  cent  in  one  hand  and  a 

dollar  in  another.     He  believes  that  unlimited  coinage  would  soon  lead 

to  unlimited  bankruptcy. 

No  honest  farmer  would  borrow  from  his  neighbor  a  50c.  bushel  of 
wheat,  and  insist  upon  paying  him  back  with  a  bushel  of  25c.  oats,  and 
so  this  great  Govennnent  can  not  expect  to  keep  its  credit  at  the  highest 
point  if  it  borrows  dollar  gold  and  insists  upon  paying  back  with  50c. 
silver,  any  other  construction  of  the  word  "coin"  in  any  laws  or  any 
contracts  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  platform  of  this  Convention  must  be  for  sound  money,  in  clear, 
ringing,  unmistakable  terms.  On  any  other  construction  of  it  the  party 
may  get  into  power,  but  the  country  would  be  in  danger  of  falling  into 
the  batch  of  bankrupt  governments,  and  at  the  end  of  the  party's  admin- 
istration it  would  probably  have  no  more  of  an  estate  than  did  Rabelais, 
whose  will  when  opened  read:  "In  the  name  of  God,  amen,  I  have 
nothing.     I  owe  much.     I  give  the  rest  to  the  poor. " 

"At  the  time  when  nation  wildly  looks  at  nation  standing  with  mute 
lips  apart,"  Allison  did  not  meet  with  clenched  fist  the  proffered  hand  of 
international  adjustment.  However,  he  has  stood  unwaveringly  by  the 
Monroe  doctrine  and  insisted  that  the  United  States  should  recognize 
any  people  struggling  for  liberty  and  Republican  institutions,  even  if  they 
were  insurgents  in  Cuba. 

I  ask  you  to  nominate  him.  If  you  do,  the  people  from  the  sand- 
enshrouded  Mexican  line  to  the  boundary  that  separates  us  from  an  unborn 
daughter  on  the  north,  will  shout  as  in  one  glorious,  glad  anthem  "The 
old  temple  of  Republicanism  still  stands.     Flock  to  it  for  shelter." 

If  you  do,  every  keynote  of  the  campaign  will  be  kept  at  concert 
pitch.  If  you  do,  the  White  House  will  be  used  no  longer  as  an  experi- 
ment station. 

Nominate  him,  and  not  now,  perhaps,  but  when  the  strife  is  over, 
his  name  will  fall  like  millennial  music  on  your  ears. 

Nominate  him,  and  a  thrill  of  joy  will  go  from  the  West  to  the  East, 
carrying  on  its  trembling  way  the  songs  of  our  reapers  only  to  be  lost  in 
the  roar  of  your  furnaces. 

Nominate  him,  and  when  our  corn  grows  gold  in  autumn's  time, 
our  flocks  teeming  and  our  granaries  full,  every  spindle  will  be  turning 
day  and  night  on  the  Merrimac.  If  you  will  do  this,  light  will  fall  on 
our  darkened  land  and  instantly  a  long-suffering  people  will  hear  the 
surges  of  returning  prosperitj-. 


AlliHon  and 

the    Monroe 

Doctrine. 


Alli-son   and 
Pro^sperity. 


142 


Rkptblicax  National  Convkxtiox. 

Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  presented  Thomas  B. 
Reed's  name  in  the  following  address : 


Prospfrity  in 

lb92. 


Disaster  iu 
1896. 


LODGE   SPKAKS    FOR    REED. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Four  years 
ago  we  met  as  we  meet  now,  representatives  of  the  great  Republican 
party.  Prosperity  was  in  the  land.  Capital  was  confident  and  labor 
employed.  There  was  the  good  day's  wage  for  the  good  day's  work, 
and  the  spirit  of  American  enterprise  was  stirring  and  bold.  The 
Treasury  was  full,  the  public  revenues  ample  for  the  public  need.  We 
were  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  had  placed  a  prudent  hand  on  the 
key  of  the  Pacific. 

Four  short  years  have  come  and  gone.  Look  about  you  now.  The 
Treasury  is  empty ;  our  credit  is  impaired ;  our  revenues  are  deficient. 
We  meet  the  public  needs,  not  with  income,  but  by  borrowing  at  high 
rates,  and  pledging  the  future  for  the  wants  of  the  present.  Business  is 
paralyzed.  Confidence  has  gone.  Enterprise  has  folded  its  eagle  wings 
and  mopes  and  blinks  in  the  market  place.  Our  mills  are  idle  and  our 
railroads  are  crippled.  Capital  hides  itself,  and  labor  idly  walks  the 
street.  There  is  neither  a  good  day's  wage  nor  a  good  day's  work.  We 
have  met  with  slights  abroad,  and  have  serious  differences  with  other 
nations.  The  key  of  the  Pacific  has  slipped  from  nerveless  hands. 
Foreign  troops  have  been  landed  in  this  hemisphere.  Our  own  bound- 
aries have  been  threatened  in  Alaska.  The  Monroe  doctrine  has  been 
defended,  but  is  not  yet  vindicated.  The  people  of  a  neighboring  island 
fighting  for  freedom  look  to  us  with  imploring  eyes,  and  look  in  vain. 

The  American  policy  which  would  protect  our  indu.stries  at  home 
and  our  flag  abroad  has  faded  and  withered  awaj'.  Look  then  upon  that 
picture  and  on  this.  Could  j'ou  that  fair  mountain  leave  to  feed  and 
batten  on  this  moor?  But  four  short  years  have  come  and  gone,  and 
they  have  brought  this  change.  What  has  happened?  I  will  tell  you  in 
a  word.  The  Democratic  party  has  been  in  power.  That  is  the  answer. 
Upon  us  falls  the  heavy  burden  of  binding  up  these  wounds  and  bring- 
ing relief  to  all  this  suffering.  The  Democrats  deceived  the  people  by 
promising  them  the  millennium,  and  the  miserable  results  of  those  lying 
promises  are  all  about  us  to-day.  We  have  no  promises  to  make.  We 
pledge  ourselves  only  to  that  which  we  believe  we  can  ])erform.  We  will 
do  our  best.  That  is  all.  And,  as  in  1860  we  saved  the  Union  and 
abolished  slaver>',  so  now,  in  1896,  we  will  deal  with  this  Democratic 
legacy  of  blunders,  bankruptcy  and  misfortune. 

We  are  gathered  here  to  choose  the  next  President  of  the  United  The  campaign 
States.     That  we  will  win  in  the  election  no  man  doubts.     But  let  us     Not  Be  Easy 
not  deceive  ourselves  with  the  pleasant  fancy  that  the  campaign  is  to  be 
an  easy  one.     It  will  be  a  hard  battle ;  it  can  not  be  otherwise  when  so 


Evil  Effects 

of   Democratic 

Power. 


143 


Republican  National  Convention. 

much  depends  upon  the  result.  Against  the  Republican  party,  repre- 
senting fixed  American  policies,  strength,  progress  and  order,  will  be 
arrayed  not  only  that  organized  failure,  the  Democratic  party,  but  all  the 
wandering  forces  of  political  chaos  and  social  disorder.  It  is  not  merely 
the  presidency  which  is  set  before  us  as  the  prize.  The  prosperity  of 
the  country,  the  protection  of  our  industries,  the  soundness  of  our  cur- 
rency, and  the  national  credit,  are  all  staked  on  the  great  issue  to  be 
decided  at  the  pplls  next  November.  Upon  us  rests  the  duty  of  rescuing 
the  country  from  the  misery  into  which  it  has  been  plunged  by  three 
years  of  Democratic  misrule.  To  drive  the  Democrats  from  power  is  the 
first  step  and  the  highest  duty,  but  we  shall  triumph  in  vain,  and  in  our 
turn  shall  meet  heavy  punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  people,  if  we  do 
not  put  our  victory  to  right  uses.  Such  a  crisis  as  this  can  not  be  met 
and  dealt  with  by  shouts  of  enthusiasm.  We  must  face  it  as  our  fathers 
faced  slavery  and  disunion,  with  a  grim  determination  to  win  the  battle, 
and,  that  done,  to  take  up  our  responsibilities  in  the  same  spirit  with 
which  we  won  the  fight.  Now,  as  then,  we  can  hope  to  succeed  only  by 
the  most  strenuous  endeavor,  and  now,  as  then,  everything  depends  upon 
the  Administration  we  place  in  office. 

We  want  a  President  who  will  meet  this  situation  as  Lincoln,  met 
that  of  1861 — with  the  chiefs  of  the  Republicans  about  him  and  with 
^"is  NcedJd!'**  party  and  people  at  his  back.  We  want  a  President  who,  on  the  5th 
day  of  next  March,  will  summon  Congress  in  extra  session  and,  refusing 
to  make  appointments  or  to  deal  with  patronage,  will  say  that  all  else 
must  wait  until  Congress  sends  to  him  a  tariff  which  shall  put  money  in 
the  Treasury,  and  wages  in  the  pockets  of  the  American  workingmen. 
We  want  a  President  who  will  protect  at  all  hazards  the  gold  reserves  of 
the  Treasury,  who  will  see  to  it  that  no  obligation  of  the  Government  is 
presented  that  is  not  paid  in  whatever  coin  the  creditor  chooses  to 
demand,  and  will  never  forget  that  the  nation  which  pays  with  honor, 
borrows  with  ease.  We  want  a  man  who  will  guard  the  safety  and 
dignity  of  the  nation  at  home  and  abroad,  and  who  will  always  and 
constantly  be  firm  and  strong  in  dealing  with  foreign  nations,  instead  of 
suddenly  varying  a  long  course  of  weakness  and  indifference  with  a 
convulsive  spasm  of  vigor  and  patriotism.  Above  all,  we  want  a  man 
who  can  lead  his  party  and  act  with  it,  and  who  will  not,  by  senseless 
quarrels  between  the  White  House  and  the  Capitol,  reduce  legislation 
and  execution  alike  to  imbecility  and  failure. 

Such  is  the  man  we  want  for  our  g^reat  office  in  these  bitter  times, 
when  the  forces  of  disorder  are  loosed  and  the  wreckers  with  their  false 
Vantc"  lights  gather  at -the  shore  and  lure  the  ship  of  state  upon  the  rocks. 
Such  a  man  fit  for  such  deeds,  I  am  now  to  present  to  you.  He  needs 
no  praise  from  me,  for  he  has  proved  his  own  title  to  leadership.  From 
what  he  is  and  what  he  has  done  we  know  what  he  can  do.  For  twenty 
years,  in  victory  and  defeat,  at  the  head  of  great  majorities  and  of  small 
minorities  alike,  he  has  led  his  party  in  Congress  with  a  power  which 

144 


WiixiAM  O.  Bradley,  First  Republican  Governor  of  Kentucky. 


«      * 


Republican  National  Convkntion. 

no  man  could  dispute,  and  with  an  ability  which  never  failed.  I  have 
seen  him,  with  a  maddened  oi)])osition  storming  about  him,  carry 
through  the  great  reform  which  has  made  the  House  of  Representatives 
the  strong  and  efficient  body  it  is  to-day.  I  have  seen  him  during  the 
past  winter  guide  a  great  majority  so  that  they  have  met  every  demand 
put  upon  them,  and  made  no  errors  which  could  burden  the  Republican 
party  in  the  campaign  before  us. 

Before  the  people  and  in  the  House  he  has  ever  been  the  bold  and 
brilliant  champion  of  the  great  Republican  policies,  which,  adopted, 
have  made  us  prosperous,  and,  abandoned,  have  left  ruin  at  our  doors. 
He  is  a  thorough  x\merican,  by  birth,  by  descent,  by  breeding;  one  who  '^Repi^jU^^aV' 
loves  his  country  and  has  served  it  in  j^outh  and  manhood,  in  war  and  Policies, 
in  peace.  His  great  ability,  his  originality  of  thought,  his  power  in 
debate,  his  strong  will,  are  known  of  all  men,  and  are  part  of  the  history 
of  the  last  twenty  years.  His  public  career  is  as  spotless  as  his  private 
character  is  pure  and  unblemished.  He  i^  a  trained  statesman,  fit  for  the 
heaviest  task  the  country  can  impose  upon  him.  He  commands  the  con- 
fidence of  his  party  and  his  country.  He  is  a  leader  of  men.  We  know 
it  because  we  have  seen  him  lead.  To  those  who  have  followed  him  he 
never  said  "Go,"  but  always  "Come."  He  is  entirely  fearless.  We 
know  it,  for  we  have  seen  his  courage  tested  on  a  hundred  fields.  He  has 
been  called  to  great  places  and  great  trials,  and  he  has  never  failed  nor 
flinched.  He  is  fit  to  stand  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  column.  He 
is  worthy  to  be  an  Aiiierican  President. 

I  have  the  honor,  the  verj^  great  honor,  to  present  to  you  as  a  candi-    such  a  Man  is 
date  for  your  nomination  the  Speaker  of  the  National  House  of  Repre-      ^"^RTelf.  ^' 
sentatives,  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York,  presented,  in  the  fol- 
lowing address,  the  name  of  Governor  Morton  of  that  State: 


depew  names  morton. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  National  Convention  : 
National  Republican  Conventions  have  been  epoch  makers.  They  have 
formulated  the  principles,  originated  the  policies  and  suggested  the  can  conven- 
measures,  which  in  the  history  of  the  United  States,  form  its  most  Done, 
progressive  periods.  They  have  nominated  for  the  Presidencjs  statesmen 
and  soldiers  who  were  the  leaders  of  the  people  in  their  onward  march 
to  larger  liberty,  and  broader  and  better  industrial  conditions. 

No  party,  no  matter  however  glorious  its  achievements  or  how  bril- 
liant its  successes,  can  rely  upon  the  past.  Its  former  triumphs  are  only 
its  certificates  of  character,  which  must  be  met  by  continuing  effort,  as 
beneficent  and  wise  as  anything  of  which  it  boasts.  The  party  which  is 
to  permanently  govern  a  country,  and  is  secure  in  its  past,  must  not  only 

145 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Union  and 
Liberty. 


Great 
Republicans- 


be  equal  to  the  present,  but  must  forecast  and  provide  for  the  future. 
The  Republican  party  has  held  possession  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  more  than  a  generation  because  it  has  triumphantly 
met  these  conditions.  The  unetiualed  succeSvSes  of  the  Republican  party, 
its  hold  upon  the  country,  and  its  masterful  influence  upon  affairs  have 
been  due  to  the  fact  that  in  every  crisis  its  principles  have  solved  the 
problems  of  the  hour,  and  its  selected  leader  has  been  the  man  for  the 
occasion. 

The  greatest  moral  and  patriotic  questions  which  a  free  people  were 
ever  called  upon  to  meet  were  slavery  and  secession  in  the  early  days  of 
our  organization.  But  with  "Union  and  Libert}'"  as  our  watchword, 
and  with  Lincoln  as  our  leader,  we  saved  the  Republic  and  emancipated 
the  slave.  The  passionate  and  critical  issues  of  reconstruction  were 
successfully  met,  and  the  hostile  sections  happily  united  by  a  policy  of 
conciliation  which  could  only  secure  the  consent  of  the  victors  and  the 
a.ssent  of  the  conquered  by  the  influence  of  the  soldier- President,  who 
had  the  confidence  of  the  armies  which  he  had  led  in  triumph,  and  the 
enemies  whom  he  had  paroled  with  honor. 

In  a  period  when  progress  halted  because  of  the  distrust  of  common- 
wealths and  their  citizens  of  each  other,  the  later  and  better  judgment  of 
the  country  expressed  its  acknowledgment  to  the  non- partisanship  and 
judicial  fairness  of  Hayes  and  Evarts.  The  youth  who  came  to  manhood 
after  the  Civil  War,  and  knew  little  of  its  agonies  or  its  animosities, 
found  a  glorious  example  of  American  possibility  and  achievement  in  the 
canal  driver,  the  college  student,  the  school  principal,  the  college 
president,  the  Union  General,  the  illustrious  debater  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  brilliant  and  magnetic  Garfield. 

In  defeat  and  in  victory,  for  the  policies  which  stood  for  the  devel- 
opment of  American  industries,  for  America  and  Americans,  whether 
native  or  naturalized,  and  for  the  reciprocity  which  bound  the  North 
American  and  South  American  continents  together,  we  had  the  Plumed 
Knight  of  our  enthusiasm  and  our  love,  James  G.  Blaine.  As  a  new 
generation  came  to  the  majority,  to  whom  the  past  was  a  legend,  the 
present,  the  difficult  task  of  development  and  prosperity,  and  the  future 
theory  without  experience,  the  Rei)ublican  party  again  liapi)ily  practiced, 
in  its  control  of  the  executive  and  the  legislative  branches  of  the  Govern  - 
ment,  that  policy  of  the  protection  of  American  industries  and  that 
practice  of  sound  finance  which  gave  to  the  Rei)ublic  its  era  of  greatest 
prosperity  and  its  period  of  the  largest  returns  for  capital,  the  fullest 
employment  for  labor  and  the  highest  wages  for  work  in  the  history  of 
our  Nation  in  the  closing  year  of  the  administration  of  that  able  and 
accomplished  statesman,  Benjamin  Harrison. 

A  few  weeks  preceding  the  Convention  of  four  years  ago  at  Minne- 
apolis I  had  an  afternoon  with  Mr.  Blaine.  With  marvelous  intuition  he 
forecast  the  future.    He  said :    "Substantially  all  the  forces  of  opposition. 


146 


Republican  National  Convention. 

of  distrust  and  of  disappointment,  of  theory  and  of  imagination  which      liJiphecy. 

accumulate  against  a  party  that  has  been  in  power  for  over  thirty  years 

are  now  concentrated  for  an  assault  upon  our  position  and  are  certain 

to  succeed.     The  Democratic  party  and  its  allies  of  Populism  and  of  all 

other  isms  are  destined  in  this  campaign,  no  matter  who  is  our  candidate 

or  what  is  our  platform,  to  secure  possession  of  the  Government." 

The  country  knows  to  its  loss,  its  sorrow  and  its  grief,  that  the 
prediction  has  been  fulfilled  in  ever>'  part.  In  its  fulfillment  the  United 
States  has  the  experience  and  Europe  has  the  business  and  prosperity. 

We  meet  to  take  up  the  broken  cord  of  national  development  and 
happiness  and  link  it  once  more  to  the  car  of  progress.  Our  industries 
stagnant,  our  manufactures  paralyzed,  our  agriculture  disheartened,  our 
artisans  unemployed,  our  finances  disordered,  our  Treasury  bankrupt, 
our  credit  impaired,  our  position  among  the  nations  of  the  world 
questioned,  all  look  to  this  Convention  and  call  upon  its  wisdom  for 
hope  and  rescue. 

The  conditions  created  by  the  practice  of  Democratic  policies,  the 
promise  of  Democratic  measures  and  the  differences  of  Democratic 
statesmen  would  seem  to  argue  an  unquestioned  and  overwhelming  ^.j^.^  choice  of 
triumph  for  the  Republican  party  in  the  coming  election.  No  matter  "xecdecL'*^ 
how  brilliant  the  promise,  no  matter  how  serene  the  outlook,  it  is  the 
part  of  wisdom,  with  the  uncertainties  of  politics  and  our  recent  expe- 
rience of  the  tragic  shifting  of  issues,  to  be  careful,  prudent  and  wise  in 
platform  and  in  candidate. 

The  last  few  years  have  been  a  campaign  of  universal  education 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  while  we  may  in  platform 
and  candidate  meet  all  the  requirements  of  party  obligations  and  party 
expectations,  we  must  remember  that  there  is  a  vast  constituency  which 
has  little  fealty  to  parties  or  to  organizations,  but  votes  for  the  man  and 
the  principles  which  are  in  accord  with  their  views  in  the  administration 
of  the  country'. 

The  whole  country,  North,  South,  East  and  West,  without  any 
division  in  our  lines,  or  out  of  them,  stands,  after  what  has  happened  in     The  Nation 

Wants    Protec- 

the  last  three  years,  for  the  protection  of  American  industries,  for  the       tion  and 

Americanism. 

principle  of  reciprocity  and  for  America  for  Americans.  But  a  compact 
neighborhood  of  great  commonwealths,  in  which  are  concentrated  the 
majority  of  the  population,  of  the  manufactures  and  of  the  industrial 
energies  of  the  United  States,  has  found  that  business  and  credit  exist 
only  with  the  stability  of  sound  money. 

It  has  become  the  fashion  of  late  to  decr>'  business  as  unpatriotic.  We 
hear  much  of  the  "sordid  considerations  of  capital,"  "employment," 
"industrial  energies"  and  ' 'prosperous  labor. ' '  The  United  States,  differ- 
ing from  the  mediaeval  conditions  which  govern  older  countries,  differing 
from  the  militarism  which  is  the  curse  of  Euroi^ean  nations,  differing  from 
thrones  which  rest  upon  the  sword,  is  pre-eminently  and  patriotically  a 

147 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Business 
Synonymous 

With 
Patriotism. 


The  State  of 
New  York. 


Morton   as 
Diplomat. 


commercial  and  a  business  nation  Thus  commerce  and  business  are 
synonymous  with  patriotism.  When  tlie  farmer  is  afield  sowing  and 
reaping  the  crops  which  find  a  market  that  remunerates  him  for  his 
toil,  when  the  lal)orer  and  the  artisan  find  work  seeking  them  and  not 
themselves  despairing  of  work,  when  the  wage  of  the  toiler  promises 
comfort  for  his  family  and  hope  for  his  children,  when  the  rail  is  burdened 
with  the  product  of  the  soil  and  of  the  factory,  when  the  spindles  are 
humming  and  the  furnaces  are  in  blast,  when  the  mine  is  putting  out  its 
largest  product  and  the  national  and  individual  wealth  are  constantly 
increasing,  when  the  homes  owned  uimiortgaged  bj'  the  people  are  more 
numerous  day  by  day  and  month  by  month,  when  the  schools  are  most 
crowded,  the  fairs  most  frequent,  and  happy  conditions  most  universal  in 
the  nation,  then  are  the  promises  fulfilled  which  make  these  United 
States  of  America  the  home  of  the  oppressed  and  the  land  of  the  free. 

It  is  to  meet  these  conditions  and  to  meet  them  with  a  candidate  who 
represents  them,  and  about  whom  there  can  be  no  question,  that  New 
York  presents  to  you  for  the  Presidency,  under  the  unanimous  instruc- 
tions of  two  successive  Republican  State  Conventions,  the  name  of  her 
Governor,  I^evi  P.  Morton. 

New  York  is  the  cosmopolitan  State  of  the  Union.  She  is  both  a 
barometer  and  thermometer  of  the  changes  of  popular  opinion  and 
po])ular  passion.  She  has  been  the  pivotal  commonwealth  which  has 
decided  nearly  every  one  of  the  national  elections  in  this  generation. 
She  has  more  Yankees  than  any  city  in  New  England,  more  Southerners 
than  any  community  in  the  South,  and  more  native-born  Westerners  than 
any  city  in  the  West,  and  the  representatives  of  the  Pacific  Coast  within 
her  borders  have  been  men  who  have  done  much  for  the  development  of 
that  glorious  region.  These  exiierienced  and  cosmopolitan  citizens  with 
their  fingers  upon  the  pulses  of  the  finance  and  trade  of  the  whole  coun- 
try, feel  instantly  the  conditions  that  lead  to  disaster  or  to  prosperity. 
Hence  they  swing  the  State  sometimes  to  the  Republican  and  sometimes 
to  the  Democratic  column. 

In  the  tremendous  effort  to  break  the  hold  which  Democracy  had 
upon  our  Commonwealth,  and  which  it  had  strengthened  for  ten  succes- 
sive years,  we  selected  as  our  standard  bearer  the  gentleman  whom  I 
present  on  behalf  of  our  State  here  to-day  and  who  carried  New  \"ork, 
and  took  the  Legislature  with  him,  by  156,000  majority. 

We  are  building  a  navy  and  the  White  Squadron  is  a  forerunner  of 
a  commerce  which  is  to  whiten  every  sea  and  carry  our  flag  into  every 
l)ort  of  the  world.  Not  our  wish  perhaps,  not  our  ambitions  probably, 
but  our  very  progress  and  expansion  have  made  us  one  of  the  family  of 
nations.  We  can  no  longer,  without  the  hazard  of  unnecessary  frictions 
with  other  Governments,  conduct  our  foreign  policy  except  through  the 
medium  of  a  skilled  diplomacy.  For  four  years  as  Minister  to  France, 
when  critical  questions  of  the  import  of  our  products  into  that  country 
were  imminent,  Levi  P.   Morton  learned  and  practiced  successfully  the 


148 


Republican  National  Convention. 

diplomacy  which  was  best  for  the  ])ros])erity  of  his  country.  None  of 
the  mistakes  which  have  discredited  our  relations  with  foreign  nations 
during  the  past  four  years  could  occur  during  his  Administration.  He 
is  the  best  type  of  the  American  business  man — that  tyi)e  which  is  the 
ideal  of  school,  the  academy  and  the  college,  that  type  which  the 
mother  presents  to  her  boy  in  the  Western  cabin  and  the  Eastern  tene- 
ment as  she  is  marking  out  for  him  a  career  by  which  he  shall  rise  from 
his  poor  surroundings  to  grasp  the  prizes  which  come  through  American 
liberty  and  American  opportunity. 

You  see  the  picture.  The  New  England  clergyman  on  his  meager  Monon  as  a 
salary,  the  large  family  of  boys  and  girls  about  him,  the  sons  going  out 
with  their  common  school  education,  the  boy  becoming  the  clerk  in  a 
store,  then  granted  an  interest  in  the  business,  then  becoming  its  con- 
trolling spirit,  then  claiming  the  attention  of  the  great  house  in  the  city 
and  called  to  a  partnership,  then  himself  the  master  of  great  affairs. 
Overwhelmed  by  the  incalculable  conditions  of  civil  war,  but  with 
undaunted  energy  and  foresight,  he  grasped  again  the  elements  of  escape 
out  of  bankruptcy  and  of  success,  and  with  the  return  of  prosperity  he 
paid  to  the  creditors  who  had  compromised  his  indebtedness  every  dollar, 
principal  and  interest,  of  what  he  owed  them.  The  best  t>'pe  of  a  suc- 
cessful business  man,  he  turns  to  politics,  to  be  a  useful  member  of 
Congress,  to  diplomacy,  to  be  a  successful  Minister  abroad,  to  the 
executive  and  administrative  branches  of  government,  to  be  the  most 
popular  Vice-President  and  the  presiding  officer  of  that  mo.st  august 
body,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

Our  present  deplorable  industrial  and  financial  conditions  are  largely 
due  to  the  fact  that,  while  we  have  a  President  and  a  Cabinet  of 
acknowledged  ability,  none  of  them  have  had  business  training  or  expe- 
rience. They  are  persuasive  reasoners  upon  industrial  questions,  but 
have  never  practically  solved  industrial  problems.  They  are  the  book 
farmers  who  raise  wheat  at  the  cost  of  orchids  and  sell  it  at  the  price  of 
wheat.  With  Levi  P.  Morton  there  would  be  no  deficiency  to  be  met  by 
the  issue  of  bonds,  there  would  be  no  blight  on  our  credit  which  would 
call  for  the  services  of  a  syndicate,  there  would  be  no  trifling  with  the 
delicate  intricacies  of  finance  and  commerce  which  would  paralyze  the 
operations  of  trade  and  manufacture. 

Whoever  may  be  nominated  by  this  Convention  will  receive  the 
cordial  support,  the  enthusiastic  advocacy  of  the  Republicans  of  New  jpoiu^a? 
York,  but  in  the  shifting  conditions  of  our  Commonwealth,  Governor 
Morton  can  secure  more  than  the  party  strength,  and  without  question 
in  the  coming  canvass,  no  matter  what  issues  may  arise  between  now  and 
November,  place  the  Empire  State  solidly  in  the  Republican  column. 

Mr.  Depew's  speech  provoked  considerable  applause,  which 
was  as  much  a  tribute  to  the  orator  as  it  was  to  the  aspirant. 

149 


strength. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

When  the  New  Yorker  finished,  Senator-elect  Foraker,of  Ohio, 
named  McKinley,  in  the  following  speech : 

FORAKER   PRESENTS   MCKINLEY. 


The 

Democracy 

Assailed. 


It  Commitit 
Suicide. 


In  the  Throes 
of  Dissolution. 


Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  It  would  be 
exceedingly  difficult,  if  not  entirely  impossible,  to  exaggerate  the  dis- 
agreeable exi)eriences  of  the  last  four  years.  The  grand  aggregate  of 
the  multitudinous  bad  results  of  a  Democratic  National  Administration 
may  be  summed  up  as  one  stupendous  disaster.  It  has  been  a  disaster, 
however,  not  without  at  least  one  redeeming  feature.  It  has  been  fair — 
nobody  has  escaped.  It  has  fallen  equally  and  alike  upon  all  sections  of 
our  country,  and  all  classes  of  our  population.  The  just  and  the  unjust, 
the  Republican  and  the  Democrat,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  high  and 
the  low,  have  suffered  in  common.  Idleness  and  its  consequent  poverty 
and  distress  have  been  the  rewards  of  labor;  distress  and  bankruptcy 
have  overtaken  business;  .shrunken  values  have  dissipated  fortunes; 
deficient  revenues  have  impoverished  the  Government,  while  bond  issues 
and  bond  syndicates  have  discredited  and  scandalized  the  nation. 

Over  against  this  fearful  penalty  we  can  set  down  one  great,  blessed, 
compensatory  result.  It  has  destroyed  the  Democratic  party.  The 
])roud  columns  that  swept  the  country  in  triumph  in  1892  are  broken 
and  hopeless  in  1896.  Their  boasted  principles  when  put  to  the  test 
of  a  practical  application  have  proven  delusive  fallacies,  and  their  great 
leaders  have  degenerated  into  warring  chieftains  of  hostile  and  irrecon- 
cilable factions.. 

Their  approaching  National  Convention  is  but  an  approaching 
national  nightmare.  No  man  pretends  to  be  able  to  predict  any  good 
result  to  come  from  it,  and  no  man  is  seeking  its  nomination  except  only 
the  limited  few  who  have  advertised  their  unfitness  for  any  kind  of  a 
public  trust  by  proclaiming  their  willingness  to  stand  on  any  sort  of 
platform  that  may  be  adopted. 

The  truth  is,  the  party  that  could  stand  up  under  the  odium  of 
human  slavery' ,  opposition  to  the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union, 
emancipation,  enfranchisement,  reconstruction  and  specie  resumption,  at 
last  finds  itself  overmatched  and  undone  by  itself.  It  is  writhing  in 
the  throes  of  final  dissolution,  superinduced  by  a  dose  of  its  own 
doctrines.  No  human  agency  can  prevent  its  absolute  overthrow  at  the 
next  election,  except  only  this  Convention.  If  we  make  no  mistake 
here,  tiie  Democratic  party  will  go  out  of  i)ower  on  the  4th  day  of  March, 
1897,  to  remain  out  of  power  until  God,  in  his  wisdom,  and  mercy, 
and  goodness,  shall  see  fit  once  more  to  chastise  his  people. 

So  far,  we  have  not  made  any  mistake.  We  have  adopted  a  plat- 
form which,  notwithstanding  the  scenes  witnessed  in  this  hall  this 
morning,  meets  the  demands  and  expectations  of  the  American  people. 


150 


Republican  National  Convp:ntion. 

It  remains  for  us  now,  as  the  last  crowning  act  of  our  work  here,  to 
again  meet  that  same  expectation  in  the  nomination  of  our  candidate. 
What  is  that  expectation?  What  do  the  people  want?  You  all  do 
know. 

They  want  something  more  than  a  good  business  man ;  they  want 
something  more  than  a  good  Republican ;  they  want  something  more 
than  a  fearless  leader;  they  want  something  more  than  a  wise,  patriotic 
statesman ;  they  want  a  man  who  embodies  in  himself  not  only  all  these 
essential  qualifications,  but  who  in  addition,  in  the  highest  possible 
degree,  typifies  in  name,  character,  record,  ambition  and  purpose  the 
exact  opposite  of  all  that  is  signified  and  represented  by  the  present 
free  trade,  deficit-making,  bond-issuing,  labor-saving  Democratic 
Administration.  I  stand  here  to  present  to  this  Convention  such  a  man. 
His  name  is  William  McKinley. 


Senator  Foraker  was  forced  to  stop  right  here,  for  at  the 
mention  of  McKinley 's  name  the  tempest  broke  loose.  For 
nearly  half  an  hour  the  Convention  went  wild.  Yells, 
cheers,  and  shrieks  rent  the  air,  intermingled  with  the  strains 
of  "Marching  Through  Georgia,"  "Rally  Round  the  Flag, 
Boys,"  and  other  patriotic  tunes  by  the  band.  During  the 
din,  hats,  handkerchiefs,  flags  and  parasols  were  being  waved 
madly,  mingled  with  red,  white  and  blue  plumes,  which  had 
been  secretly  brought  into  the  hall  earlier  in  the  proceedings. 
The  uproar  began  at  3.18  p.  m.,  and  it  was  just  3.46  when 
Senator  Foraker,  after  several  attempts,  was  permitted  to 
resume  his  speech,  which  he  did  as  follows : 

You  seem  to  have  heard  the  name  of  my  candidate  before.  And  so 
you  have.  He  is  known  to  all  the  world.  His  testimonials  are  a  private 
life  without  reproach  ;  four  years  of  heroic  service  as  a  boy  soldier  for  the 
Union  on  the  battlefields  of  the  Republic,  under  such  Generals  as  gallant 
Phil  Sheridan ;  twelve  years  of  conspicuous  service  in  the  halls  of  Con  - 
gress,  associated  with  such  great  leaders  and  champions  of  Republicanism 
as  James  G.  Blaine ;  four  years  of  executive  experience  as  Governor  of 
Ohio;  but,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  requirements,  leader  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  author  of  the  McKinley  law — a  law 
under  which  labor  had  the  richest  rewards  and  the  country  generally  the 
greatest  prosperity  ever  enjoyed  in  all  our  histor>'. 

No  other  name  so  completelj'  meets  the  requirements  of  the  Ameri  - 
can  people ;  no  other  man  so  absolutely  commands  their  hearts  and  their 
affections.  The  shafts  of  envy  and  jealousy,  slander  and  libel,  calumny 
and  detraction  lie  broken  at  his  feet.  They  have  all  been  shot,  and  shot 
in  vain.     The  quiver  is  empty  and  he  is  untouched. 


McKinley'B 
Name  Pro- 
vokes Wild 
Hnthusiastn. 


Maidc  of 

McKinley'8 

Name. 


McKinI«y's 
Reputation. 


151 


Republican  National  Convention. 

His  Popularity.  '^^^    American  people  know  him,  trust  him,  believe  in  him,  love 

him,  and  they  will  not  allow  him  to  be  unjustly  disparaged  in  their 
estimation.  They  know  he  is  patriotic;  they  know  he  is  an  American 
of  Americans ;  they  know  he  is  wise  and  experienced ;  that  he  is  able 
and  just,  and  they  want  him  for  President  of  the  United  States.  They 
have  already  so  declared;  not  in  this  or  that  State  or  section,  but  in  all 
the  States  and  all  the  sections  from  ocean  to  ocean  and  from  the  Gulf  to 
the  Lakes.  They  expect  us  to  give  them  a  chance  to  vote  for  him.  If 
we  do  we  shall  give  joy  to  their  hearts,  enthusiasm  to  the  campaign  and 
triumphant  victory  to  our  cause;  and  he  in  turn  will  give  us  an  admin- 
istration under  which  the  country  will  enter  upon  a  new  era  of 
prosperity  at  home  and  of  glory  and  honor  abroad. 

By  all  these  tokens  of  the  present,  and  all  these  promises  for  the 
future,  in  the  name  of  the  fort>;-six  delegates  from  Ohio,  I  submit  his 
claims  to  your  consideration. 

There  was  a  repetition  here  of  the  earlier  demonstration, 
but  it  did  not  last  as  long. 

Chairman  and  Senator  Thurston  seconded  the  nomination 
of  McKinley  in  the  following  speech. 

THURSTON   TALKS   FOR   McKINLKY. 

^^  „       ,.^  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:    This  is  the  year  of  the  people. 

People.  They  are  conscious  of  their  power ;  they  are  tenacious  of  their  rights ; 
they  are  supreme  in  this  Convention;  they  are  certain  of  victory' ,  now 
and  in  November. 

They  have  framed  the  issue  of  this  campaign.  What  is  it?  Money? 
Yes;  money!  Not  that  which  is  coined  for  the  mine- owmer  at  the  mint 
or  clipi)ed  by  the  coupon -cutter  from  the  bond,  but  that  which  is  created 
by  American  muscle  on  the  farms  and  in  the  factories.  In  the  Western 
mountains  the  clamor  is  for  silver,  and  the  Eastern  seashore  cries  for 
gold,  but  the  millions  ask  for  work — an  o])portunity  to  labor  and  to  live. 

The  prosperity  of  a  nation  is  in  the  employment  of  its  people,  and, 
thank  God,  the  electors  of  the  United  States  know  this  great  economic 
truth  at  last.  The  Re]niblican  iiarty  does  not  stand  for  Nevada  or  New 
York  alone,  but  for  both;  not  for  one  State,  but  for  all.  Its  platform  is 
as  broad  as  the  land,  as  national  as  the  flag.  Republicans  are  definitely 
committed  to  sound  currency,  but  they  believe  that  in  a  government  of 
the  people  the  welfare  of  men  is  i)ai amount  to  the  interests  of  monej'. 
Their  shibboleth  for  this  campaign  is  "Protection."  From  the  vantage 
ground  of  their  own  selection  they  can  not  be  stampeded  by  Wall  street 
panics  or  free -coinage  cyclones.  Reports  of  international  complications 
and  rumors  of  war  pass  them  lightly  by ;  they  know  that  the  real  enemy 
of  American  prosperity'  is  free  trade  and  the  best  coast  defense  is  a  pro- 

152 


Lloyd  Lowndes,  First  Republican  Governor  of  Maryland. 


6^/1  V:V 


Republican  National  Convention. 


McKinley 

ttic   I'opular 

Favorite. 


His   Public 
Record. 


tective  tariff.  They  do  not  fear  the  warlike  preparations  of  Europe,  but 
they  do  fear  its  cheap  manufactures.  Their  real  danger  is  not  from 
foreign  navies  carrying  guns,  Init  from  foreign  fleets  bringing  goods. 

This  is  the  year  of  the  people.  They  have  risen  in  their  might. 
From  ocean  to  ocean,  from  lake  to  gulf,  they  are  united  as  never  before. 
We  know  their  wishes,  and  are  here  to  register  their  will.  They  must 
not  be  cheated  of  their  choice.  They  know  the  man  best  qualified  and 
equipped  to  fight  their  battles  and  to  win  their  victories.  His  name  is 
in  every  heart,  on  every  tongue.  His  nomination  is  certain,  his  election 
sure.  His  candidacy  will  sweep  the  country  as  a  prairie  is  swept  by  fire. 
This  is  the  year  of  the  people.  In  their  name,  by  their  authority',  I 
second  the  nomination  of  their  great  champion,.  William  McKinley. 
Not  as  a  favorite  son  of  any  State,  but  as  the  favorite  son  of  the  United 
States.  Not  as  a  concession  to  Ohio,  but  as  an  added  honor  to  the 
Nation. 

When  his  countrj'  called  to  arms,  he  took  into  his  boyish  hands  a 
musket  and  followed  the  flag,  bravely  baring  his  breast  to  the  hell  of 
battle,  that  it  might  float  serenely  in  the  Union  sky.  For  a  quarter  of  a 
century  he  has  stood  in  the  fierce  light  of  public  place,  and  his  robes  of 
office  are  spotless  as  the  driven  snow.  He  has  cherished  no  higher 
ambition  than  the  honor  of  his  country  and  the  welfare  of  the  plain 
people.  Steadfastly,  courageously,  victoriously  and  with  tongue  of  fire 
he  has  pleaded  their  cause.  His  labor,  ability  and  perseverance  have 
enriched  the  statutes  of  the  United  States  with  legislation  in  their  behalf. 
All  his  contributions  to  the  masterpieces  of  American  oratory  are  the 
outpourings  of  a  pure  heart  and  a  patriotic  purpose.  His  God -given 
powers  are  consecrated  to  the  advancement  and  renown  of  his  own 
country'  and  to  the  uplifting  and  ennobling  of  his  own  countrymen.  He 
has  the  courage  of  his  convictions  and  can  not  be  tempted  to  woo 
success  or  avert  defeat  by  any  sacrifice  of  principle  or  concession  to 
popular  clamor. 

In  the  hour  of  Republican  disaster,  when  other  leaders  were  excus- 
ing and  apologizing,  he  stood  steadfastly  by  that  grand  legislative  act 
which  bore  his  name,  confidently  submitting  his  case  to  the  judgment 
of  events,  and  calmly  waiting  for  that  triumphant  vindication  whose 
laurel  crown  this  Convention  is  impatient  to  place  upon  his  brow. 

Strengthened  and  seasoned  by  long  congressional  service;  broad- 
ened by  the  exercise  of  important  executive  powers ;  master  of  the  great 
economic  questions  of  the  age;  eloquent,  single-hearted  and  sincere,  he 
stands  to-day  the  most  conspicuous  and  commanding  character  of  this  The  Most  con- 
generation;  divinely  ordained,  as  I  believe,  for  a  great  mission,  to  lead 
this  people  out  from  the  shadow  of  adversity  into  the  sunshine  of  a  new 
and  enduring  prosperity. 

Omnipotence  never  sleeps.  Every  great  crisis  brings  a  leader. 
For  every  supreme  hour  Providence  finds  a  man.  The  necessities  of 
'96  are  almost  as  great  as  those  of  '61.     True,  the  enemies  of  the  nation 


.spicuou<4 
Character  of 
His    Genera- 
tion. 


153 


Republican  National  Convention. 

have  ceased  to  threaten  with  the  sword,  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  no  longer  tolerates  that  shackles  shall  fret  the  limbs  of 
men ;  but  free  trade  and  free  coinage  hold  no  less  menace  to  American 
progress  than  did  the  armed  hosts  of  treason  and  rebellion.  If  the  voice 
of  the  people  is  indeed  the  voice  of  God,  then  William  McKinley  is  the 
comi)lement  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Yea,  and  he  will  issue  a  new  emanci- 
pation proclamation  to  the  enslaved  sons  of  toil  and  they  shall  be  lifted 
up  into  the  full  enjoyment  of  those  privileges,  advantages  and  opportuni- 
ties that  belong  of  right  to  the  American  people. 

Under  his  Administration  we   shall   command  the  respect  of   the 
His  Adminis-    natious  of  the  earth :   the  American  flag  will  never  be  hauled  down ;   the 

tion  Will  In-  '^ 

spire  Respect,  rights  of  American  citizenship  will  be  enforced;  abundant  revenues  pro- 
vided; foreign  merchandise  will  remain  abroad;  our  gold  be  kept  at 
home;  American  institutions  will  be  cherished  and  upheld;  all  govern- 
mental obligations  scrupulously  kept;  and  on  the  escutcheon  of  the 
republic  will  be  indelibly  engraved  the  American  policy:  protection, 
reciprocity  and  sound  money. 

My  countrymen,  let  not  your  hearts  be  troubled,  the  darkest  hour  is 
just  before  the  day,  the  morning  of  the  twentieth  century  will  dawn 
bright  and  clear.  Lift  up  j'^our  hopeful  faces  and  receive  the  light;  the 
Republican  party  is  coming  back  to  power,  and  William  McKinley  will 
be  President  of  the  United  States. 

In  an  inland  manufacturing  city,  on  election  night,  November,  1894, 
after  the  wires  had  confirmed  the  news  of  a  sweeping  Republican  victory, 
t^^'0  workingmen  started  to  climb  to  the  top  of  a  great  smok.eless  chim  - 
ney.  That  chimney  had  been  built  by  the  invitation  and  upon  the 
promise  of  Republican  protective  legislation.  In  the  factory  over  which 
it  towered  was  employment  for  twice  a  thousand  men.  Its  mighty  roar 
had  heralded  the  prosperity  of  a  whole  community.  It  had  stood  a  cloud 
by  day  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night  for  a  busy,  industrious,  happy 
people.  Now  bleak,  blackened,  voiceless  and  dismantled,  like  a  grim 
specter  of  evil,  it  frowned  down  upon  the  hapless  city  where  poverty, 
idleness,  stagnation  and  want  attested  the  complete  disaster  of  the  free 
trade  experiment. 

Up  and  uji  and  up  they  climbed,  watched  by  the  breathless  multitude 
Ptcan  of  a  below.  Up  and  u])  and  up,  until  at  last  they  stood  upon  its  summit,  and 
Peoples  Joy.  t^gre  in  the  glare  of  the  electric  lights,  cheered  by  the  gathered  thousands, 
they  unfurled  and  nailed  an  American  flag.  Down  in  the  streets  strong 
men  wept — the  happy  tears  of  hope — and  mothers,  lifting  up  their  babes, 
invoked  the  blessing  of  the  flag ;  and  then  impassioned  lips  burst  forth 
in  song — the  hallelujah  of  exulting  hosts,  the  mighty  paean  of  a  people's 
joy.     That  song,  the  enthusiastic  millions  sing  it  yet: 

Hurrah,  hurrah!  we  bring  the  jubilee, 

Hurrah,  hurrah!  the  flag  that  makes  us  free. 

So  we  sing  the  chorus  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea; 

Hurrah  for  McKinley  and  protection ! 

154 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Over  the  city  that  free  flag  waved,  caressed  by  the  passing  breeze, 
kissed  by  the  silent  stars.  And  there  the  first  glad  sunshine  of  the 
morning  fell  upon  it,  luminous  and  lustrous  with  the  tidings  of  Repub- 
lican success. 

On   behalf   of  those   stalwart   workmen    and    all  the  vast  army  of      on  Behalf 
American   toilers,  that  their  employment  may  be  certain,  their  wages     McKinfc^s*' 
just,  their   dollars   the  best  of    the  civilized  world ;    on    behalf    of   that   *  °"A8k<^.'* 
dismantled  chimney  and  the  deserted  factory  at  its  base,  that  the  furnaces 
may  once  more  flame,  the  mighty  wheels  revolve,  the   whistles  scream, 
the  anvils  ring,  the   spindles  hum ;  on  behalf  of  the  thousand  cottages 
roundabout  and  all  the  humble  homes  of  this  broad  land,  that  comfort 
and  contentment  may  again  abide,  the  firesides  glow,  the  women  sing, 
the  children  laugh;   yes,  and  on  behalf  of  that  American  flag  and  all  it 
stands  for  and  represents,  for  the  honor  of  every  stripe,  for  the  glory  of 
every  star,  that  its  power  may  fill  the  earth,  and  its  splendor  span  the 
sky — I    ask    the    nomination    of    that   loyal    American,    that   Christian 
gentleman,  soldier,  statesman  and  patriot,  William  McKinley, 


Gov.  Hastings,  of  Pennsylvania,  spoke  for  Senator  Quay 
thus: 

HASTINGS   PRESENTS   QUAY. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Pennsyl  -      Pennsylva- 
nia's Indorse- 
vania  comes  to  this  Convention  giving  you  the  cordial  assurance  that        mem  of 

whoever  may  be  our  national  standardbearer  he  will  receive,  of  all  the      promised. 

States  in  the  Union  the  largest  majority  from  the  Keystone  State. 

There  have  been  no  faltering  footsteps  in  Pennsj'lvania  when  the 
tenets  of  Republicanism  have  been  at  stake.  Our  partj-'s  principles 
have -always  been  held  as  sacred  as  Independence  Hall,  or  the  memory 
of  her  dead  soldiers.  Having  within  her  borders  more  American 
citizens  relatively  who  own  the  homes  in  which  they  live,  whose  prin- 
cipal daily  avocation  is  to  subdue  and  develop  her  great  storehouses  of 
native  wealth;  whose  wage-earners,  skilled  and  unskilled,  receive,  one 
year  with  another,  the  highest  average  American  wage  rate — the  Repub- 
licans of  Pennsylvania,  by  their  chosen  representatives,  come  to  this 
Convention,  and,  with  you,  demand,  and  their  ever}-  interest  demand,  a 
system  of  national  currency  equal  to  the  best  in  the  world. 

They  demand  as  well  that  the  Government  they  love  and  for  whose 
flag  they  have  fought,  and  still  stand  ready  to  defend,  shall  pay  its 
debts  in  money  and  not  in  promises.  They  insist  that  a  dollar  is  not 
created  by  the  fiat  of  the  Government,  'but  must  have  100  cents  of 
intrinsic  or  exchangeable  value,  measured  by  the  world's  standard,  and 
that  any  debasement  of  the  standard  would  be  fatal  to  business  security 
and  national  honor. 

155 


Republican  National  Convention. 

The)'  believe  in  the  old-fashioned  custom  of  living  within  their 
income,  and  when  the  income  is  unequal  to  the  necessary  outgo  they 

What  Pennsyi-  iusist  upoH  increasing  their  revenue  rather  than  increasing  their  debt. 
BeUeve^n.  They  belicvc  that  the  primary  object  of  government  is  to  defend  and 
promote  the  interests  of  the  people  who  have  ordained  that  government 
for  the  advancement  of  their  common  welfare.  They  hold  that  the 
revenue  policy  and  the  protective  policj'go  hand  in  hand,  and  they  stand 
as  the  sturdy  and  unwavering  champions  of  that  American  system  of 
fair  and  even-handed  protection  which,  injuring  none  and  helping  all, 
has  made  this  nation  great  and  prosperous. 

Pennsylvania  comes  to  this  Convention  and  with  great  unanimity 
asks  you  to  name  a  standard-bearer  who  will  represent  not  only  the 
principles  and  conditions,  but  the  brightest  hopes  and  aspirations  of  the 
Rei^ublican  party;  a  man  who  has  been  a  loyal  supporter  of  its  every 
great  movement;  a  potent  factor  in  its  councils  from  the  day  of  its 
birth  and  baptism  on  Pennsylvania  soil  to  the  present  time ;  a  man 
whose  every  vote  and  utterance  has  been  upon  the  side  of  sound  money, 
fair  protection  and  a  strong  and  patriotic  Americanism. 

Those  whom  I  represent  and  who  ask  his  nomination  at  your  hands 
point  to  a  statesman  who  has  been  in  the  forefront  of  every  battle  for  his 

nias^Falorite.  party;  who  has  been  its  champion,  its  wise  counsellor,  its  organizer  and 
the  successful  leader  of  its  forlorn  hopes.  He  was  with  those  patriots 
who  rocked  the  cradle  of  Republicanism;  he  was  among  the  first  to 
comprehend  the  magnitude  of  the  armed  debate  of  '.61  and  to  give 
himself  to  the  Union  cause.  In  1878  he  stemmed  the  tide  of  currency 
inflation  and  won  a  victory  which,  while  less  ostentatious,  was  equal  in 
importance  to  his  successful  rescue  of  the  country  from  free  trade  and 
Grover  Cleveland  in  1888. 

The  American  citizen  who  believes  that  all  laws  and  all  policies 
should  be  for  America's  best  interest;  the  American  soldier  who  admires 
valor  as  much  as  he  loves  the  flag  of  his  reunited  country ;  the  American 
wage -earner  who  loves  his  home  and  family,  and  who  will  never  consent 
to  sink  himself  to  the  wage  level  of  the  foreign  pauper;  the  American 
manufacturer,  emerging  from  the  tortures  of  a  free  trade  panic,  and 
anxious  to  relight  the  fires  of  industry  where  darkness  and  silence  still 
hold  sway;  they  who  loudly  proclaim  their  recent,  but  perfect,  conver- 
sion to  the  true  gospel  of  Republicanism;  they  who  demand  dollars  as 
good  as  gold  as  the  wage  for  good  work;  who  believe  in  commercial 
reciprocity  with  other  nations,  but  who  say  "Halt"  to  any  further  foreign 
encroachment  upon  any  part  of  America— these,  all  these,  have  found  in 
him  a  steadfast  friend  and  able  sup])orter. 

AGreatRepub-  ^^  ^^'^^  ^^^  soldiers'  friend  in  war,  and  he  has  been  their  constant 

licau  Leader,    champion  in  peace.     The  sur\-ivors  of  those  who  fought  for  freedom  and 

won  immortal  fame  recognize  in  him  a  comrade  whose  valor  has  been 

proved  on  hard -fought  field  and  attested  in  the  proudest  trophy  ever  won 

by  soldier — the  decoration  awarded  him  by  the  Americaa  Congress. 

156 


Asa  S.  livsHNKLL,  Governor  of  Ohio 


Repuhlican  National  Convkxtion. 

Called  to  lead  a  forlorn  hope  in  the  great  campaign  of  1888,  he 
wrought  a  task  equal  to  the  six  labors  of  Hercules.  He  organized  the 
patriotism  and  Republicanism  of  the  country  for  victory.  He  throttled 
the  Tammany  tiger  in  his  den,  and,  forcing  an  honest  vote  and  an  honest 
count  in  the  stronghold  of  the  most  i)owerful  and  corrupt  political  organ- 
ization in  the  land,  rescued  the  country  from  the  heresies  of  Democracy. 
Having  thus  made  himself  too  powerful  and  too  dangerous  to  the  enemy, 
the  order  went  forth  to  assassinate  him,  but  the  poisoned  arrows  of 
slander  and  vituperation,  thrown  in  l)itter  and  relentless  hatred,  fell 
broken  at  his  feet.  He  turned  to  the  people  among  whom  he  lived  and 
whose  ser\'ant  he  was,  and  his  vindication  at  their  hands  was  a  unani- 
mous re-election  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

There,   representing  imperial  Pennsylvania  and    her   interests,    he  .^^^^ 

stood  like  a  rock,  resisting  the  combined  power  of  a  free  trade  President      Protection, 
and  party,  until  the  deformity  known  as  the  Wilson  bill  was  altered  and 
amended  so  as  to  save  at  least  some  of  the  business  interests  of  his  State 
and  country  from  entire  and  utter  ruin. 

We  welcome  the  issue — American  protection,  American  credit  and 
an  American  policy.  L,et  the  people  in  the  campaign  which  this  Con- 
vention inaugurates  determine  whether  they  are  willing  to  live  through 
another  free  trade  panic.  Let  the  wage -earner  and  the  wage -payer  con- 
template the  bitter  experiences  which  brought  hunger  to  the  home  of  one 
and  financial  ruin  to  the  other.  Let  the  American  farmer  compare  farm 
product  prices  with  free  trade  promi.ses.  Let  him  who  has  saved  a  sur- 
plus and  him  who  works  for  a  livelihood  determine  each  for  himself  if 
he  craves  to  be  paid  in  American  dollars  disgraced  and  depreciated  to 
half  their  alleged  value.  Let  him  who  fought  for  his  country's  flag;  let 
the  widow,  the  orphan,  and  the  loving  parent  who  gave  up  that  which 
was  as  precious  as  life,  behold  that  flag  and  all  that  it  stands  for  pawned 
to  a  foreign  and  domestic  joint  syndicate  to  raise  temporary  loans  for  the 
purpose  of  postponing  the  final  financial  disaster,  and  answer  whether 
they  want  the  shame  and  humiliation  repeated.  Let  the  sovereign  voice 
be  heard  in  the  coming  election  declaring  that  the  only  government 
founded  on  the  rock  of  freedom,  blessed  with  every  gift  of  nature  and 
crowned  with  unmeasured  possibilities,  shall  not  be  dethroned,  degraded, 
pauperized,  by  a  party  policy  at  war  with  the  very  genius  of  our  national 
existence. 

Nominate  him  whom  I  now  name  and  this  country  will  have  a 
President  whose  mental  endowments,  broad-minded  statesmanship,  ripe 
experience,  marvelous  sagacity,  unassuming  modest>',  knightly  courage 
and  true  Americanism  are  unexcelled.     Nominate  him  and  he  will  elect 

himself.  Matthew  Stan- 

ley Quay. 

I  nametoj'ou  the  soldier  and  the  statesman,  Pennsylvania's  choice — 
Matthew  Stanley  Quay. 


157 


Republican  National  Convention. 


The  Votf  for 
thf  Prfsidcn- 
ttal  Candidate. 


The  roll  of  States  was  then  called  on  the  vote  for  Presi- 
dent.    This  is  the  vote  in  detail  on  the  only  ballot  cast : 


Number 
Delec-.atbs. 


State. 

Alabama 22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado   8 

Connecticut 12 

Dklaware 6 

Florida  8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa      26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts    ....  30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi     18 


Missouri     

Montana     

Nebraska  

Nevada    

New  Hampshire     . 
New  Jersey  .... 

New  York  

North  Carolina  .  , 
North  Dakota  .  . 

Ohio 

Oregon  

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina  .   .   . 
South  Dakota  .... 

Tenne.ssee     

Texas  

Utah 

Vermont    

Virginia     

Washington 

West  Virginia    .  .   . 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 

Arizona 

Oklahoma 

New  Mexico 

Indian  Territory  .  . 
District  ok  Columbia 
Alaska     


34 

6 

16 

6 

8 

20 

72 

22 

6 

46 

8 


924 


MCKlNLK 

19 
16 
18 

7 

6 

6 

22 

46 
30 

20 
26 
11 

15 

1 
28 
18 
17 
34 

1 
16 

3 

19 
17 
19)^ 

6 
46 

8 

6 

18 

8 
24 
21 

3 

8 
23 

8 
12 
24 

6 

6 

4 

5 

6 


661  >o 


Reed. 

2 


4 
12 

1 
29 


8 
1 


Morton. 
1 


Ql-AY. 


55 


Allison. 


58 


26 


84j 


58 


61>^ 


35 1^ 


158 


Republican  National  Coxvkntion. 

Absent,  or  not  voting,  2Z.     Some  of  the  absentees  were 
bolters.     Montana  cast  1  vote  for  J.  Donald  Cameron. 

McKinley's  nomination,  on  the  motion  of  friends  of  the 
other  aspirants,  was  then  made  unanimous. 


McKiiiley'H 
Numination 

Mndc 
I'naniinouii. 


The  nomination  of  Vice-President  was  then  in  order,  and   uaTAspTr'anu 
Samuel    Fessenden,   of  Connecticut,   presented    the  name  of     *'''*'''•''"*■'*• 


William  G.  Bulkley  of  that  State : 


FESSENDEN   NAMES   BULKLEY 


Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Two  acts 
have  already  been  performed  by  this  great  Convention  which  should 
receive  the  hearty  and  enthusiastic  approval  and  ratification  of  every 
loyal  Republican  of  the  United  States.  The  first  is  the  nomination  of 
the  soldier,  patriot  and  great  statesman  of  Ohio,  Governor  McKinley,  as 
our  choice  for  the  Presidency. 

The  second  is  the  adoption  of  a  platform  which,  in  unequivocal 
terms,  pledges  the  Republican  party  of  this  great  Nation  to  an  honest 
currency  and  to  the  present  gold  standard. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  that  platform  has  also  adopted  a  dec- 
laration for  the  protection  of  American  industries,  also  championed  by 
our  great  leader  in  this  contest,  William  McKinley. 

Now,  the  people  of  the  State  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent 
were  forward  in  their  Convention  in  declaring  their  belief  in  an  honest 
dollar  and  a  single  standard,  and  that  standard  gold.  The  people  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut  are  vitally  interested  in  this  question.  Though 
classed  as  a  doubtful  State,  we  believe  that  we  shall  carry  her  in 
November  for  the  standard-bearers  of  the  Republican  part}'. 

I  have  the  honor  and  the  pleasure  of  naming  for  the  second  place 
on  our  national  ticket  a  Connecticut  man,  a  man  who  represents  the 
sentiments  of  the  Republicans  of  Connecticut,  and  of  all  Republican 
protectionists  and  sound  money  men  throughout  the  nation — a  sound 
and  fearless  Republican,  a  man  who  is  distinguished  for  his  rare  courage, 
his  ability  and  his  integrity;  one,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention,  whose  commanding  talents  and  whose  business  activity  have 
placed  him  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  greatest  financial  institutions  of  our 
country.  For  four  consecutive  terms  he  was  Mayor  of  the  Democratic 
city  of  Hartford,  and  in  1888  was  elected  Governor  of  our  State. 
By  his  bravery,  by  his  generosity,  and  by  his  sagacity,  his  administra- 
tion became  one  of  the  most  famous  in  the  histor>'  of  our  State. 

That  the  ticket  may  be  complete,  that  Connecticut  may  be  doubly 
sure,  and  that  the  name  of  a  son  of  New  England  may  have  a  place  on 
the  national  ticket,  in  the  name  of  Connecticut,  I  nominate  William  G. 
Bulkley  for  Vice-President. 


Connecticut 

Likes 
the  Presiden- 
tial  Candidate 
and  the 
Platform. 


Her  Favorite 
for  Vice- 
President. 


159 


Republican  National  Convention. 

J.  Franklin  Fort,  of  New  Jersey,  presented  Garret  A. 
Hobart  of  that  State : 


New  Jersey's 
Vice-Presiden- 
tial Favorite 
Son. 


FORT  SPEAKS   FOR    HOBART. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Contention  :  I  rise  to 
present  to  this  Convention  the  claims  of  New  Jersey  to  the  vice-presi- 
dency. 

We  come  because  we  feel  that  we  can  for  the  first  time  in  our  history 
bring  to  you  a  promise  that  our  electoral  vote  will  be  cast  for  your 
nominees.  If  you  comply  with  our  request,  this  promise  will  surely  be 
redeemed. 

For  forty  years  through  the  blackness  and  darkness  of  a  universally 
triumphant  Democracy,  the  Republicans  of  New  Jersey  have  maintained 
their  organization  and  fought  as  valiantly  as  if  the  outcome  were  to  be 
assured  victory.  Only  twice  through  all  this  long  period  has  the  sun 
shone  in  upon  us.  Yet,  through  all  these  weary  years,  we  have,  like 
Goldsmith's  "Captive,"  felt  that: 

Hope,  like  the  gleaming  taper's  light. 

Adorns  and  cheers  our  way. 
And  still  as  darker  grows  the  night,' 
,  Emits  a  brighter  ray. 


A  Redeemed 

and  Reuener- 

ated  State. 


The  fulfillment  of  this  hope  came  in  1894.  In  that  year,  for  the  first 
time  since  the  Republican  party  came  into  existence,  we  sent  to  Congress 
a  solid  delegation  of  eight  Republicans,  and  we  elected  a  Repub- 
lican to  the  United  States  Senate.  We  followed  this  in  1895  by  electing 
a  Republican  Governor  by  a  majority  of  2,000.  And  in  this  year  of 
grace  we  expect  to  give  the  Republican  Electors  a  majority  of  not  less 
than  20,000. 

I  come,  then,  to  you  to-day  in  behalf  of  a  new  New  Jersey,  a 
politically  redeemed  and  regenerated  State.  Old  things  have  passed 
away,  and  behold  all  things  have  become  new.  It  is  many  long  years 
since  New  Jersey  has  received  recognition  by  a  National  Convention. 

When  Henry  Clay  stood  for  protection  in  1844,  New  Jersey  fur- 
nished Theodore  Frelinghuysen  as  his  associate.  The  issue  then  was 
the  restoration  of  the  tariff  and  was  more  nearly  like  that  of  to-day  than 
that  of  any  other  period  which  I  can  recall  in  the  nation's  political  his- 
tor>'.  In  1856,  when  the  freedom  of  man  brought  the  Republican  party 
into  existence  and  the  great  Pathfinder  was'  called  to  lead.  New  Jersey 
furnished  for  that  unequal  contest  William  L.  Dayton  as  the  vice-presi- 
dential candidate.  Since  then,  counting  for  nothing,  we  have  asked  for 
nothing.  During  this  period  Maine  has  had  a  candidate  for  President 
and  a  Vice-President;  Massachusetts  a  Vice  -  President ;  New  York  four 


160 


>  >.  >        >•  1 « 
>>>  >       >       > 

•  •«• 

I  ■  -> 
I        •       1 

»« >•  '  > 


William  Warner,  of  Missouri. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Vice-Presidents,  one  of  whom  became  President  for  almost  a  full  terra; 
Indiana  a  President,  a  candidate  for  President  and  a  Vice-President; 
Illinois  a  President  twice  and  a  vice -presidential  candidate;  Ohio  two 
Presidents,  and  now  a  candidate  for  another  term;  Tennessee  a  Vice- 
President,  who  became  President  for  almost  a  full  term. 

We  believe  that  the  vice -presidency  in  1896  should  be  given  to  New 
Jersey;  we  have  reasons  for  our  opinion.  We  have  ten  electoral  votes. 
We  have  carried  the  State  in  the  elections  of  1893,  1894  and  1895.     We 

She  Should  Get 

hope  and  believe  we  can  keep  the  State  in  the  Rei)ublican  column  for  all       the  vice- 

•  1         •  1  T-.  1     1-  Presidency. 

time.  By  your  action  to-day  you  can  greatly  aid  us.  Do  you  believe  you 
could  place  the  vice-presidency  in  a  State  more  justly  entitled  to  recog- 
nition or  one  which  it  would  be  of  more  public  advantage  to  hold  in  the 
Republican  ranks? 

If  the  party  in  any  State  is  deserving  of  approval  for  the  sacrifices 
of  its  members  to  maintain  its  organization,  then  the  Republicans  of  New 
Jersey,  in  this,  the  hour  of  their  ascendency,  after  long  years  of  bitter 
defeat,  feel  that  they  can  not  come  to  this  Convention  in  vain.  We 
appeal  to  our  brethren  in  the  South  who  know  with  us  what  it  is  to  be 
overridden  by  fraud  in  the  ballot  box,  to  be  counted  out  by  corrupt  elec- 
tion officers,  to  be  dominated  by  an  arrogant,  unrelenting  Democracy. 
We  should  have  carried  our  State  at  every  election  for  the  past  ten  years  Fraud  De- 
if  the  count  had  been  an  honest  one.  We  succeeded  in  throttling  the  publicans, 
ballot-box  stuffer  and  imprisoning  the  corrupt  election  officers,  only  to 
have  the  whole  raft  of  them  pardoned  in  a  day  to  work  again  their  nefa- 
rious practices  upon  an  honest  people.  But  to-day,  under  ballot  reform 
laws,  with  an  honest  count,  we  know  we  can  win.  It  has  been  a  long, 
terrible  strife  to  the  goal,  but  we  have  reached  it  unaided  and  unassisted 
from  without,  and  we  come  to-day  promising  to  the  ticket  here  selected 
the  vote  of  New  Jersey,  whether  you  give  us  the  vice -presidential 
candidate  or  not. 

We  make  it  no  test  of  our  Republicanism  that  we  have  a  candidate 
We  have  been  too  long  used  to  fighting  for  principle  for  that.  But  we 
do  say  that  you  can,  by  granting  our  request,  lighten  our  burden  and 
make  us  a  confident  party  with  victory  in  sight  even  before  the  contest 
begins.  Will  we  carry  Colorado,  Montana  and  Nevada  this  year  if  the 
Democracy  declares  for  silver  at  16  to  1?  Let  us  hope  we  may.  New 
Jersey  has  as  many  electoral  votes  as  those  three  States  together. 

Will  you  not  make  New  Jersey  sure  to  take  their  place  in  case  of      ^^^  ^^^ 
need?     We   have    in    all    these  long  years  of  Republicanism  been  the  venrs  of  wan- 

"    •'  (lennK  in  the 

"Lone   Star"    Democratic    State    in   the    North.      Our   forty   years   of     ^?i|^^|y^ 
wandering  in   the  wilderness  of  Democracy  are  ended.     Our  Egyptian         Ended, 
darkness  disappears.     We  are  on  the  hilltop  looking  into  the  promised 
land.     Encourage    us  as  we  march    over   into  the  political  Canaan   of 
Republicanism,  there  to  remain  by  giving  us  a  leader  on  the  national 
ticket  to  go  up   with  us.      We  are  proud  of   our  public  men.     Their 

161 


She  Presents 

•et   A. 

ban. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Republicanism  and  love  of  country  has  been  welded  in  the  furnace  of 
political  adversity.  That  man  is  a  Republican  who  adheres  to  the  party 
in  a  State  where  there  is  no  hope  for  the  gratification  of  personal 
ambitions.  There  are  no  camp  followers  in  the  minority  party  in  any 
State.  They  are  all  true  soldiers  in  the  militant  army,  doing  valiant 
service  without  reward,  gain  or  the  hope  thereof,  from  principle 
only. 

A  true  representative  of  this  class  of  Republicans  New  Jersey  will 
*^""b«rt'  "°^  offer  you  to-day.  He  is  in  the  prime  of  life,  a  never  faltering  friend, 
with  qualities  of  leadership  unsurpassed,  of  sterling  honor,  of  broad 
mind,  of  liberal  views,  of  wide  public  information,  of  great  business 
capacity,  and,  withal,  a  parliamentarian  who  would  grace  the  Presidency 
of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  A  native  of  our  State,  the  son  of  an 
humble  farmer,  he  was  reared  to  love  of  country  in  sight  of  the  historic 
field  of  Monmouth,  on  which  the  blood  of  our  ancestors  was  shed  that 
the  Republic  might  exist.  From  a  poor  country  boy,  unaided  and  alone, 
he  has  risen  to  high  renown  among  us.  In  our  State  we  have  done  for 
him  all  that  political  conditions  would  permit.  He  has  been  Speaker  of 
our  Assembly  and  President  of  our  Senate.  He  has  been  the  choice  for 
United  States  Senator  of  the  Republican  minority  in  the  Legislature,  and 
had  it  been  in  our  power  to  have  placed  him  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  he  would  long  ere  this  have  been  there.  His  capabilities  are 
such  as  would  grace  any  position  of  honor  in  the  Nation.  Not  for 
himself,  but  for  our  State;  not  for  his  ambition,  but  to  give  to  the 
Nation  the  highest  type  of  public  official,  do  we  come  to  this  Convention 
by  the  command  of  our  State  and  in  the  name  of  the  Republican  party  of 
New  Jersey,  unconquered  and  unconquerable,  undivided  and  indivisible, 
with  our  united  voice  speaking  for  all  that  counts  for  good  citizenship  in 
our  State,  we  present  to  you  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the 
Republic,  Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey. 

S.  W.  K.  Allen,  of  Rhode  Island,  spoke  for  Charles  Warren 
Lippitt,  of  that  State: 

ALLEN    NAMES   LIPPITT. 

„w  ^  , ,    ^.  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :    I  desire  to  present  to  you  for 

Rhode  Island's  '  •' 

Choke.  the  high  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  another  famous 
son  of  New  England.  He  comes,  it  is  true,  from  what  you  sometimes 
tell  us  is  but  a  little  speck  on  the  map,  'way  over  on  the  Atlantic  coast, 
but  that  little  speck  has  sent  to  you  and  to  this  country  a  Greene  in 
1776,  a  Burnside  in  1861,  and  you  now  have  in  the  councils  of  this 
countrj'  the  father  of  the  McKinley  protection  act.  I  present  to  3'ou,  in 
the  name  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  his  Excellency,  Charles  Warren 
Lippitt,  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

162 


Republican  National  Convention. 

William  M.  Randolph,  of  Tennessee,  presented  the  name 
of  Henry  Clay  Evans,  of  the  same  State : 


RANDOLPH   SPEAKS   FOR   EVANS. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  It  has  ^po»fu2^* 
been  more  than  thirty  years  since  any  citizen  of  a  State  organized  as  a 
Confederate  State  has  been  presented  by  either  of  the  great  national 
parties  for  the  office  of  President  or  Vice-President.  When  the  great 
conflict  for  the  nation's  Hfe  was  entered  upon,  the  Republican  party  had 
but  just  assumed  control.  It  became  the  champion  of  the  union  of  the 
States,  and  for  the  preser\'ation  of  the  Government  under  the  Constitu- 
tion. At  the  close  of  the  contest,  the  success  of  the  national  arms  was 
regarded  as  the  special  triumph  of  the  party.  The  people  of  the  States 
of  the  South  had  been  in  revolt,  and  it  was  natural  that  for  a  time  after 
hostilities  had  ceased  that  the  Republican  party  and  those  people  should 
distrust  each  other.  The  one  found  the  great  majority  of  its  voters  in 
the  States  which  adhered  to  the  Union,  and  therefore  selected  its  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President  from  these  States. 

The  Democratic  party  had  been  the  dominant  party  in  the  States  of  why  the  south 

'         -^  f        J  Has  Bern 

the  South  for  many  generations,  and  the  people  regarded  that  party,  not  Democratic, 
only  as  their  traditional  representative,  but  as  the  peculiar  exponent  of 
their  political  views.  A  solid  South  in  a  Democratic  column  of  elec- 
toral votes  was  a  necessar}'  consequence,  and  for  manj'  years  the 
Republican  party  has  entered  upon  every  national  contest,  handicapped 
with  159  electoral  votes,  absolutely  certain  against  its  nominee.  To 
overcome  this  immense  vote  thus  fixed  against  it,  has  required  the 
carrying  of  some  of  the  doubtful  States  in  the  North,  and  a  failure  to 
carry  any  one  of  those  States,  as  demonstrated  in  the  defeat  of 
Mr.  Blaine  in  the  contest  of  1884,  meant  the  election  of  the  Democratic 
nominee. 

To  change  this  condition  of  affairs  requires  a  change  of  the  relations  T*'*  ®**"yit"* 

**  .  states  and  the 

between  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  and  the  Republican  party.  Republican 
To  accomplish  such  a  change  two  things  must  concur — the  people  of 
the  South,  or  a  majority  of  them,  must  be  satisfied  that  their  interests 
are  to  be  promoted  by  the  success  of  the  Republican  party,  and  also  that 
the  Republican  party  is  read}-  and  willing  to  concede  to  them  when 
members  of  it  and  acting  with  it,  equal  recognition  with  the  people  of  the 
other  States  in  the  selection  of  officers  and  agents  for  the  administration 
of  the  Government ;  and  the  change  must  be  brought  about  by  obtaining 
converts  from  the  Democratic  party. 

The  experience  of  the  last  four  j'ears  of  the  administration  of  the 
National  Government  upon  Democratic  principles,  and  through  Demo- 
cratic officers  and  agents,   has  furnished  satisfactory  proof  on  the  first 

163 


Republican  National  Convention. 

proposition;  and  a. large  majority  of  the  intelligent  people  of  the  former 
solid  South  is  now  ready  to  admit  that  the  principles  announced  in  the 
platform  just  adopted,  when  honestly  administered  through  capable 
officers  and  agents,  must  result  in  the  building  up  of  a  new  South,  not 
only  in  name,  but  in  industrial  developments  and  in  all  that  goes  to 
make  up  a  happy  and  prosperous  people. 

The  proof  of  the  other  proposition,  that  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  who  are  Republicans,  and  who  are  honest,  worthy  and  capable, 
are  to  be  trusted  as  officers  and  agents  in  the  administration  of  the  Gov- 
^mhUcan^*^'  eminent  under  like  circumstances,  equally  with  their  brothers  of  the 
^'"'''uon^'"'"'  other  States,  and  that  no  invidious  discrimination  is  to  be  made  against 
them  because  of  their  locality,  ancestry  or  past  history  or  affiliations, 
remains  yet  to  be  made. 

Now  is  the  time  for  the  great  Republican  party  to  make  its  first 
serious  effort  to  build  itself  up  and  put  itself  in  a  position  of  impregnable 
strength  among  the  people  of  the  South.  The  solid  South  is  reliably 
solid  for  the  Democratic  party  no  longer.  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mary- 
land, Delaware,  West  Virginia,  Missouri  and  North  Carolina  have  each 
given  unmistakable  indications  of  drifting  away,  and  with  proper  encour- 
agement and  suitable  recognition,  they  may  safely  be  placed  in  the 
Republican  column,  not  only  when  the  result  of  the  election  in  Novem- 
ber is  announced,  but  in  future  contests,  as  they  periodically  occur. 

And  Tennessee,  the  gateway  to  the  South,  the  great  battle-field  of 

Tennessee  the  .  ,  . 

t'^tcwayjo  the  Civil  War,  the  State  which  vpted  against  secession  when  the  question 
was  submitted  to  its  people,  by  a  large  majority — the  last  State  to  join 
itself  to  the  Confederate  States,  and  the  first  State  to  return  to  its  loyalty 
to  the  Union — now  presents  you  one  of  its  distinguished  citizens  for  the 
second  place  on  your  ticket.  It  is  true  he  is  not  native  born,  but  he  is 
more — he  is  a  citizen  by  choice,  and  he  comes  from  the  portion  of  a 
State  whose  peoj^le  have  always  been  loyal  to  the  Union  and  Consti- 
tution, and  who  furnished  more  soldiers  for  the  armies  of  the  Union 
in  proportion  to  their  ])opulation  than  any  other  territory  in  the  United 
States. 

Our  nominee  was  born  in  the  great  State  of  Pennsylvania;  he  was 
reared  in  the  equally  great  State  of  Wisconsin.  When  the  President,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  nation's  danger,  called  the  citizens  to  arms  to 
preserve  the  Union  and  peri)etuate  the  Constitution,  though  a  mere  boy, 
he  enlisted  as  a  private  soldier,  and,  after  going  through  all  the  perils  of 
the  war,  at  the  end  he  was  honorably  discharged  from  service.  He  then 
became  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  has  devoted  his  indus- 
try, energy  and  abilities  to  dcveloi^ing  the  resources  of  that  State.  He 
has  won  the  friendship,  respect  and  confidence  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  lives.  They  have  put  him  in  various  official,  positions ;  he  has 
been  Alderman  and  Mayor  of  a  city ;  member  of  Congress  from  his 
district,  and  First  Assistant  Postmaster  General  in  the  last  Republican 

164 


the  South. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Administration.  In  every  position  lie  has  discharged  his  duties  honestly 
and  faithfully,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  i>eo]ile. 

After  he  had  thus  established  himself,  the  Republicans  of  Tennessee     Tcnne»»ee'« 

'  .  rupular  Son. 

nominated  him  for  Governor,  and  the  people,  at  the  November  election 
of  1894,  gave  him  a  majority  of  748  votes  over  his  o]>]K)nent,  as  shown 
by  the  face  of  the  returns  made  by  the  officers  holding  the  election. 

Afcer  the  election  a  Democratic  Legislature  enacted  a  law  for  the 
purpose  of  contesting  it.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  law  was 
designed  to  deprive  him  of  the  office  to  which  the  ])eople  had  elected 
him;  and  the  same  men  who,  as  a  Legislature,  passed  the  law,  assumed 
under  the  law  to  pass  upon  his  right  to  the  office.  A  pretended  judicial 
inquiry  was  instituted.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  neither  judicial  nor 
fair.  The  issues  made  were  false  and  the  testimony  was  garbled.  Rede- 
cision  changed  the  face  of  the  returns.  Enough  votes  were  taken  from 
what  he  had  received  to  give  his  opponent  a  majority,  and  to  change  his 
election  into  defeat. 

The  ground  of  the  rejection  of  the  votes  was  not  that  they  had  not 
been  cast,  nor  that  the  voters  were  not  legal  voters,  nor  that  the  judges 
of  the  election  had  not  been  fully  satisfied  of  their  right  to  vote  before 
receiving  their  vote.  All  of  these  facts  were  admitted ;  but  the  decision 
was  put  on  the  grounds  that,  though  the  voters  had  paid  their  poll  tax 
and  had  receipts  showing  the  fact  for  the  time  required  by  the  law,  such 
receipts  had  not  been  produced  before  the  officers  holding  the  election, 
and  those  officers  for  that  reason  had  no  right  to  receive  their  votes,  and 
a  man  not  elected  Governor  is  now  holding  office  in  the  State  of 
Tennessee. 

The  people  of  Tennessee  feel  that  a  great  wrong  has  been  done 
them,  and  they  want  an  opportunity  of  showing  the  confidence  they 
have  in  the  citizen  who  has  thus  been  defrauded  of  the  office  to  which 
they  elected  him. 

They  believe  he  is  worthy  of  any  office  within  the  gift  of  the 
American  people. 

Representing   them   here,    I    nominate    for   Vice-President   of    the     Henry  cuy 

'  Evans. 

United  States,  Henry  Clay  Evans. 

D.  F.  Bailey,  of  Virginia,  presented  Gen.  James  A. 
Walker,  of  the  same  State : 

BAILEY   TALKS    FOR    WALKER. 


Sectional  Line. 


Mr    Chairm\n   and  Gentlemen   of  the   Convention:    When    AnAppeaifor 

_         .  ,  ,  .      ,  the  Oblitera- 

we  come  to  making  Presidents  and  Vice-Presidents  there  seems  to  be  a      tionofthf 
line  that  divides  us  as  a  people,  and  that  line,  my  countr>'men,  is  the 
same  line    that  separated   the  two  great    sections,    the   North  and    the 
South,  in  the  late  unhappy  war  bet^veen  the  States. 


165 


Republican  National  Convention. 

From  1861  down  to  this  good  hour,  neither  of  the  gjeat  political 
parties  of  this  country  have  dared  to  cross  the  Rubicon.  As  a  represen- 
tative of  the  South,  as  a  representative  of  the  Confederate  of  the  South,  I 
am  here  to-day  to  voice  the  sentiment  of  the  Southern  people,  and  to 
demand  at  the  hands  of  this  Convention  that  that  dead  line  be  forever 
obliterated  on  this  occasion.  I  want  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  Southern 
people  that  they  are  as  loyal  to  the  Union  to-day,  that  they  are  as  loyal 
to  the  nation's  flag  to-day,  as  they  ever  were  to  the  flag  of  the 
Confederacy. 

I  ask,  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  the  South,  that  when  this  great 
party  steps  back  into  power  this  fall — and  it  seems  that  the  Gods  have  so 
decreed  it — I  want  the  people  of  the  South  to  feel  within  the  fold,  under 
and  beneath  the  protection  of  the  old  Republican  party,  that  they  of  the 
South  can  have  the  same  rights  and  the  same  privileges ;  that  they  can 
move  out  on  the  same  lines  as  the  people  of  the  North  can. 

FortheDevel-  My  countrj'mcn,  the  combined  States  of  Virginia,  West  Virginia, 

tht  Wealth  of  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  are  the  Garden  of  Eden  of 
t  e  sout  .  ^j^j^  continent.  While  their  agricultural  products  will  compare  favorably 
with  any  section  of  <the  Union,  they  are  nothing  to  compare  with  the 
mineral  wealth  of  that  great  section ;  they  are  nothing  to  compare  with 
their  forests  of  timber,  with  their  iron  and  their  mineral  products.  These 
are  the  States,  mj'  countrymen,  with  which  we  propose  this  fall  to  forever 
break  up  the  solid  South  and  to  bring  these  great  States  into  the  Repub- 
lican column. 

I  want  to  say  here  to  you  to-day  that  the  financial  plank  which  we 
have  adopted  to-day  is  strong  medicine  for  the  Southern  States  as  well 
as  the  Western  States,  but  we  propose  to  take  it  like  little  men  and  stand 
by  it  fully.  Now,  there  are  other  things  in  that  platform  which  are 
dearer  to  us  than  money — than  gold  or  silver.  It  is  the  great  protective 
principle  which  is  involved  in  it.  That  policy  is  the  policy  by  which  we 
propose  to  win  those  States  to  the  Republican  column. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  that  great  section  speaks  to  you 
to-day.  You  have  heard  of  the  accomplished  Evans,  of  Tennessee. 
Virginia  speaks  for  one  of  her  ablest  sons  for  your  consideration.  She 
brings  a  man  who,  in  peace  and  at  war,  has  proved  himself  to  measure 
up  to  the  high  and  full  stature  of  man.  As  a  lawyer,  he  stands  in  the 
forefront  of  the  Virginia  bar.  As  a  civilian,  he  has  proved  true  to  their 
trust.  As  a  statesman,  he  has  proved  himself  to  be  a  man  of  business 
and  a  man  of  brains. 

And  for  the  I  present  to  you,  gentlemen,  in  behalf  of  Virginia,  General  James 

Gen-'j^mesA.    A.  Walker,  a    member    of    this    Convention,  and  the    only    Republican 


Walker. 


member  from  Virginia  in  the  Federal  Congress. 


166 


Republican  National  Convuntion. 

A  ballot  was  then  taken  for  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
with  the  following  result : 


Ntmber 
States.  DELKf.ATES 

Alabama     22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado    8 

connkcticut     12 

Delaware 6 

Florida 8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts    ....  30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota     18 

Mississippi      18 

Missouri 34 

Montana     6 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada    6 

New  Hampshire  ....  8 

New  Jersey 20 

New  York .  72 

North    Carolina    ...  22 

North   Dakota    ....  6 

Ohio 46 

Orec^n 8 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina  ....  18 

South  Dakota 8 

Tennessee     24 

Texas 30 

Utah     6 

Vermont     8 

Virginia     24 

Washington 8 

West  Virginia    ....  12 

Wisconsin 24 


Wyoming 

Arizona 

New  Mexico  .... 

Oklahoma  

Indian  Territory  . 
District  Columbia 
Alaska 


6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
2 
4 

924 


Hobart 
10 
10 
14 


6 

5 
5 

44 

12 

8 

20 

8 

8 

14 
14 
21 

6 
13 
10 

1 
16 

3 

8 

20 
72 

3 
25 

8 
64 

3 

8 

ii 

5 


8 

12 

3 

6 

4 

4 
6 
2 
4 


KVANS. 
11 

5 
3 


3 
21 

4 

16 

5 

iV 

8 

5 

1 

12 

7 
12 

5 
23 


20^-2 
3 
15 


15 

24 

12 

1 


20 

i 

6 
2 


Bri-KI.EV 

1 
1 
1 

ii 


I.IPPITT.        WaLKRR. 


10 


The  Ballot  for 

Vice-Prc«i- 

dent. 


24 


533>a         277,S 


39 


24 


Twenty -nine  delegates  were  absent  when  the  vote  was  taking.  Of 
the  scattering  votes  Reed  got  3,  Fred  Grant  2,  Senator  Thurston  2, 
Chauncey  M.  Depew  3,  Brown  2  and  Governor  Morton  1. 


167 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Committees  were  then  formed  to  notify  the  candidates  of 
their  nomination.  This  Committee  was  selected  to  apprise 
Mr.  McKinley: 


Committee  to 

Notify 

McKinley. 


Alabama — C.  D.  Alexander. 
Arkansas— Henry  A.  Cooper. 
California — Frank  A.  Miller. 
CONNKCTICUT — George  Sykcs. 
Dklawark — Henry  V.  Morse. 
Plorida — Dennis  I-'agan. 
Gkorgia — M.  H.  Morton. 
Illinois — Charles  H.  Deere. 
Ini)IAN.\ — Hiram  Rrownlee. 
Iowa — Calvin  Manning. 
Kansas — Nathaniel  Harnes. 
Khntucky— John  McCartney. 
Maink — Geo.  P.  Wescott. 
Maryland — W.  F.  Airey. 
Massachusktts — M.  H.  V.  Jefferson. 
Michigan — Thomas  J.  O'Brien. 
M1NNK.S0TA — Monroe  Nichols. 
Mississippi — W.  D.  Frazee. 
Missouri — J.  B.  Haughawaut. 
Nebraska— John  T.  Bressler. 
Nkw  Hampsmirk — William  D.  Sawyer. 
Nkw  JiiRSiiV — Fred.  W.  Roehling. 


Committee  to 
Notify  Hol>art. 


New  York — F^'rank  Hiscock. 
North  Carolina — Claude  M.  Benard. 
North  Dakota — C.  M.  Johnson. 
Ohio — M.  A.  Hanna. 
Oregon — Charles  Hilton. 
Pennsylvania — Theo.  L.  Flood. 
South  Carolina — K.  H.  Deos. 
South  Dakota — Walter  K.  Smead. 
Tennessee — F'rnest  Caldwell. 
Texas— J.  W.  Butler. 
Utah — L.  R.  Rodgers. 
Vermont — James  W.  Brock. 
Virginia — J.  S.  Browning. 
Washington — Henry  E.  Wilson. 
We.st  Virginia — W.  N.  Lynch. 
Wisconsin — M.  C.  Ring. 
Wyoming — H.  H.  Nickerson. 
New  Mexico — Pedro  Perea. 
Oklahoma — John  A.  Buckler. 
District    of    Columbia  —  Joseph    R. 

Foltz. 
Alaska — C.  S.  Johnson. 


This  was  the  Committee  chosen  to  tell  Mr.  Hobart : 


Alabama— W'.  R.  Pettiford. 
Arkansas — John  Hadis. 
California— F;ii  Dannison. 
Connecticut — ICdwin  O.  Kceler. 
Colorado— Henry  A.  Dupont. 
F^LORIDA — Dennis  Eagan. 
Georgia — M.  J.  Doyle. 
Illinols — Isaac  L.  Ivlward. 
Indiana — Jesse  Weick. 
Iowa — C.  W.  Junk  in. 
Kan.sas — Frank  Vincent. 
Kentucky — John  C.  White. 
Maine — Stanley  Cueinan. 
Maryland — W.  G.  Tuck. 
Massachusetts- Willard  J.  Hale. 
Michigan — R.  A.  Alger. 
M1NNE.S0TA — A.  D.  Davidson. 
Mississippi — J.  U.  Ousley. 
Missouri — B.  F.  Leonard. 
Nebraska — John  T.  Bressler. 
New  Hampshire — James  A.  Wood. 
New  Jersey — W.  Barbour. 


New  York — Lispenard  Stewart. 
North  Carolina — J.  H.  Hannon. 
North  Dakota — J.  M.  Devine. 
Ohio — George  Ketchem. 
Oregon— Charles  W'.  Parrish. 
Pennsylvania — H.  S.  Denny. 
South  Carolina — C.  J.  Pride. 
South  Dakota — H.  T.  Meacham. 
Tennessee — H.  C.  Jar^•is. 
Texas— J.  O.  Lubby. 
Utah— J.  A.  Smith. 
Vermont — Edward  C.  Smith. 
Virginia— R.  T.  Hubbard. 
Washington — James  M.  Gilbert. 
WE.ST  Virginia — P.  E.  Houston. 
Wisconsin — Julius  Rohrer. 
Wyoming — B.  F.  Fowler. 
New  Mexico — Pedro  Perea. 
Oklamoma — William  Grimes. 
District  of  Columbia — John  Co3'le. 
Alaska — C.  W.  Young. 


At  the  conclusion  of  the  call  of  the  roll  for  the  selection  of 
tionswork    thesc  Committces,  which  was  at  7:53  p.  m.,  Chairman  Thurs- 

Euded. 

ton  announced  that  the  eleventh  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion stood  adjourned  without  da3^ 


168 


Richard  C.  Kerens,  of  Missouri. 


.».•••  • 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Biographical  Sketch 


William  McKinley. 


McKinley's 
Karly  Life. 


Hi.s  Military 
Sen-ice. 


William  McKinley  was  born  in  Niles,  O.,  on  February  26,  1844, 
He  came  of  mixed  ancestry — North  of  Ireland  Irish  on  his  father's  side, 
Scotch  on  his  mother's  side,  but  American  for  several  generations  on 
both  sides.  Like  so  many  public  men  of  this  jjcriod  his  career  began 
with  the  war.  He  first  went  to  school  at  the  age  of  5,  and  eleven  years 
later  himself  became  a  teacher.  There  were  no  hard  knocks,  and  nothing 
in  his  boyhood  that  might  now  furnish  material  for  romantic  tales.  A 
well  behaved,  studious,  affectionate  and  tractable  child  of  eminently 
respectable  and  well-to-do  parents  in  a  word  gives  the  history  of  his  life 
until  the  war  began. 

In  May,  1861,  he  enlisted  in  an  Ohio  militia  company  called  the 
Poland  Guards,  organized  at  Poland,  O.,  where  young  McKinlej'  was 
teaching  school.  This  company  became  part  of  the  23d  Ohio  infantr>', 
and  in  that  McKinley  ser\'ed  until  mustered  out  at  the  close  of  the  war. 
He  rose  from  private,  through  all  the  grades  to  Captain  and  brevet 
Major.  He  was  made  Second  Lieutenant  for  good  conduct  at  Antietam. 
During  his  militarj^  career  he  served  on  the  staffs  of  both  Gens.  R.  B. 
Hayes  and  George  Cook. 

The  war  ended,  he  began  the  study  of  law  at  Warren,  O.,  and  in 
1867  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Canton.  In 
1869  he  was  elected  District  Attorney  of  Stark  County,  O.,  and  serv-ed 
tvN'O  years;  during  that  period  he  married  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  and  for  the 
next  few  years  devoted  himself  to  his  profession. 

Mr.  McKinley  began  to  forge  to  the  front  as  an  earnest  student  of  His  Record  in 
political  affairs  in  1875  and  1876.  The  acquaintance  he  made  in  the 
army  with  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  of  great  benefit  to  him  just  then. 
Hayes  thought  much  of  him,  and  through  his  influence,  and  that  of  his 
friends,  McKinley,  in  1876,  secured  the  nomination  for  Congress  in  a 
strong  Republican  district.  He  entered  the  Forty -fifth  Congress,  and 
though  the  House  was  Democratic  he  made  his  mark  with  the  minority. 
When  the  Republicans  came  into  power,  in  the  Forty -seventh  Congress, 
he  was  already  well  equipped  for  leadership.  He  was  elected  continu- 
ously to  the  Forty -sixth.  Forty -seventh.  Forty -eighth,  Forty -ninth, 
Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first  Congresses,  though  in  the  Forty-eighth  his 
opponent  contested  and  was  seated  at  the  close  of  the  session.  During 
his  earlier  terms  he  served  on  the  Committee  on  Revision  of  the  Laws, 


Congress. 


169 


Republican  National  Convention. 


His  Tariff  Act. 


His  Home 
r.lfc. 


the  Judiciary  Committee,  and  the  Committee  on  Expenditures  in  the  Post 
Office  Department.  When  Gen.  Garfield  received  the  nomination  for 
the  Presidency,  having  already  been  elected  Senator,  McKinley  succeeded 
him  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  In  the  Fifty -first  Congress 
he  became  Chairman  of  that  Committee,  and  as  such  leader  of  the  House, 
of  which  Mr.  Thomas  B.  Reed  became  Speaker.  McKinley  was  him.self 
a  candidate  for  Speaker,  and  if  he  had  then  succeeded  he  might  not  now 
be  the  Republican  candidate  for  President. 

It  was  the  mission  of  the  Fifty -first  Congress  to  devise  a  new  tariflp 
bill,  and,  as  that  was  the  work  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  it 
became  known  as  the  McKinley  bill.  That  bill  passed  the  House  May 
21,  1890.  It  pas.sed  the  Senate  September  30,  and  President  Harrison 
approved  it  October  1.  A  month  later  the  elections  for  the  Fifty-third 
Congress  took  ])lace,  and  Mr.  McKinley  was  defeated,  along  with  scores 
of  other  Republican  members.  The  next  year  the  Republicans  nom- 
inated him  for  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  he  was  elected  by  21,000  plurality 
over  Governor  Canijibell,  the  most  popular  Democrat  in  the  State,  and 
was  re-elected  in  189v3.  Last  year  he  declined  a  renomination  for 
Governor,  and  since  then  has  devoted  his  time  to  the  adjustment  of  his 
private  affairs,  which  had  become  somewhat  involved. 

Mr.  McKinley  lives  in  Canton,  Ohio,  in  a  commodious  but  unpre- 
tentious house,  to  which  he  took  his  bride  when  they  were  married.  He 
has  no  children — two  daughters  were  born  to  them,  but  both  died  in 
infancy.  Mrs.  McKinley  has  been  an  invalid  for  several  years,  and  her 
husband's  devotion  to  her  is  one  of  the  touching  features  of  his  beauti- 
ful domestic  life.  His  mother  is  yet  living,  aged  78,  and  makes  her 
home  with  her  distinguished  son  at  Canton. 


170 


Republican  National  Convention. 


Biographical  Sketch 


OF 


Garret  A.  Hobart. 


Garret  August  Hobart  was  born  June  3,  1844,  in  Monmouth 
County,  N.  J.  His  father's  name  was  Addison  W.,  and  mother's 
Sophia.  Hobart's  father  was  a  school  teacher,  but  later  became  a 
farmer. 

His  early  life  was  spent  in  Monmouth  County,  within  sight  of  the 
historic  Revolutionary  battlefield  of  Monmouth,  and  his  early  education 
was  obtained  in  the  common  schools  of  Newark  and  Paterson  neighbor-  "oba^s^Eariy 
hood.  Later,  at  the  age  of  17,  he  entered  Rutger's  College,  New 
Brunswick,  and  spent  four  years  there,  graduating  with  high  honors 
when  21  3- ears  old.  He  went  to  Paterson  and  commenced  the  study  of 
law  in  the  office  of  Socrates  Tuttle,  destined  to  become  his  father-in-law 
later  in  life.  After  spending  three  years  in  the  law  office  he  was 
admitted  to  the  practice  of  law  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  and  worked 
up  a  large  and  remunerative  practice,  being  counsel  of  the  city  and 
county  governments. 

He  was  early  identified  with  politics,  but  sought  no  political  office 
until  1873,  when  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature. 
The  next  year,  1874,  he  was  re-elected  and  was  made  Speaker  of  the 
Assembly  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  his  colleagues.  In  1875,  he  was 
elected  State  Senator  from  the  Paterson  district,  and  three  years  after  was 
given  the  place  as  President  of  the  upper  body  of  the  Assembly. 

A  number  of  times  he  was  solicited  to  take  the  nomination  for 
Congressman  from  his  home  district,  but  would  not  accept.  In  1880  he 
was  the  Republican  nominee  for  United  States  Senator,  but  the  Assembly 
being  overwhelmingly  Democratic,  he  failed  to  secure  the  coveted  seat, 
the  honor  falling  to  John  R.  McPherson.  Mr.  Hobart  was  Chairman  of 
the  Republican  State  Executive  Committee  for  twelve  3'ears,  and  New 
Jersey  member  of  the  National  Committee  since  1884. 

He  was  married  to  Jennie  Tuttle,  the  daughter  of  Hon.  Socrates 
Tuttle,  under  whom  he  had  studied  law,  July  20,  1866,  and  has  one  son 
living,  Garret  Augustus,  now  12  years  old.  He  was  appointed  one  of 
the  Receivers  of  the  New  Jersey  Midland  Railroad,  and  Hugh  McCul- 
lough,  of  New  York,  was  joint  Receiver,  looking  after  the  New  York 
interests   of   the   road.     Later,  under   the   direction   of    the   Court,  he 


His  Political 
Record. 


His  Business 
Career. 


171 


Republican  National  Convention. 

became  the  sole  Receiver,  and  reorganized  the  road  under  the  name  of 
the  Susquehanna  Western.  At  the  time  of  the  receivership  there  were 
large  amounts  owing  to  the  army  of  employes,  and  Mr.  Hobart  claims 
the  credit  of  hiring  legal  counsel  to  .see  that  their  interests  were  protected 
against  those  of  numerous  preferred  creditors.  In  acknowledgment  for 
this  fair  treatment  the  men  passed  resolutions  thanking  him  for  the 
interest  taken  in  their  behalf. 

On  December  12,  1895,  he  was  appointed  one  of  three  arbitrators 
for  the  Joint  Traffic  Association  lines,  including  thirty-two  roads.  The 
pun)ose  of  the  Arl)itration  Commissioners  is  to  prevent  discrimination 
and  ])rotect  the  individual  lines  in  all  their  rights.  The  arbitrators  have 
not,  nor  can  they  have,  any  pecuniary  interest  in  the  roads  comprised 
under  the  association. 

Complaint  was  made  that  the  existence  of  the  board  was  contrarj'  to 
the  puq^ose  and  intent  of  the  interstate  commerce  act,  but  Judge 
Wheeler,  of  Vermont,  has  recently  decided  that  its  existence  was  not 
only  legal,  but  necessary  for  the  protection  of  shippers  from  discrimi- 
nation by  rebates  or  otherwise. 

Mr.  Hobart  has  been  in  public  life  in  New  Jersey  ever  since  he  was 

twenty-three  years  of   age,  but  his  most  recent  triumph,  and   one   in 

pSirtiwrTri-    which  he  prides  himself  most,  is  his  participation  in  the  State  campaign 

umph.         in  Ne^  Jersey,  which  resulted  in  the  selection  of  John  W.  Griggs,  the 

first  Republican  Governor  the  State  has  had  in  thirty  years. 

172 


APPENDIX. 


Republican  National  Convention. 

Roll  of  Delegates  and  Alternates. 

ALABAMA. 

DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

C.  W.  Buckley Montgomery.     • 

David  D.   Shelby Huntaville. 

W.  R.  Pettiford Birmingham. 

John  H.  Jones Haynesville. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

M.  D.  Wickersham Mobile. 

Benj.  DeLemos Haynesville. 

C.  H.  Walker Selma. 

I.  N.  Carter Monterey. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

P.  D.  Barker -. Mobile.  S.  S.  Turner Mobile. 

A.  N.  Johnson —  Mobile.  W.  E.  Sanders Mobile. 

Second  District. 

Nathan  H,  Alexander Montgomery.  Wm.  M.  Ackley... Alco. 

Frank  Simmons. Evergreen.  John  H.  Wilson Montgomer}'. 

Tliird  District. 

Samuel  S.  Booth Montgomery.  Dallas  D.  Smith Opelika. 

John  Harmon. Eufaula.  A.  L.  Brewer Union  Springs. 

Fourth  District. 

Thos.  G.  Dunn Anniston.  Wylie  A.  Hudson .\nniston. 

W.  J.  Stevens Anniston.  D.  M.  McClellan Talladega. 

Fiftli  District. 

Douglass  Smith Opelika.  R.  T.  West Wedowee. 

H.  A.  Carson Hayneville.  H.  R.  Chivers Wetumpka. 

Sixth  District. 

D.  N.  Cooper Hamilton.  Dempsy  Winn Livingston. 

Dr.  J.  Dawson Eustam.  H.  L.  Goins -.Tuscaloosa. 

Seventh  District. 

C.D.Alexander  Attalla.  T.  H.  Stevens Steeles. 

J.  S.  Curtis Double  Springs.  M.  F.  Parker Cullam. 

Eighth  District. 

Walter  Simmons Courtland.  E.  W.Garland Scott«boro. 

H.  V.  Cashin Decatur.  F.  C.  Aehford Courtland. 

Ninth  District. 

Ad.  Wimbs Greensboro.  M.  L.  Fowlkes Birmingham. 

W.  C.  Hanlon Birmingham.  A.  A.  Hartwell Birmingham. 

175 


Republican  National  Convention. 
ARKANSAS. 


DELEGATES  AT  L4RGE. 

Powell  Ciayto.i Eureka  Springs. 

Henry  .M.  Cooper Little  Rock. 

H.  L'  Remniel Newport. 

M.  W.  Gibbs Little  Rock. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  A.  Freeman Millville. 

S.  F.  Stahl Bentonville. 

Louis  Altheimer Pine  Bluff. 

J.  N.  Donohoo Helena. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Jacob  Trieber Helena.  Jacob  Shanl Marianna. 

F.  W.  Tucker Clover  Bend.  J.  R.  Riggans Nodena. 

Second  District. 

W.  H.  H.  Clayton Fort  Smith.  M.  A.  Elsie Hot  Springs. 

Ferd.  Havis...' Pine   Bluff.  A.  G.  Hough Swan  Lake. 

Third  District. 

B.  M.  Foreman Texarkana.  P.  K.  Savage Dermott. 

J.  B.  Friedheim Camden.  D.  W.  Chandler Camden. 

Fourtli  District. 

John  McCIure Little  Rock.  Frank  Burris Atkins. 

D.  B.  Russell Morrillton.  Albert  DeSha Ashvale. 

Fiftli  District. 

Thomas  J.   Hunt Fayetteville.  John  I.  Worthington Berryville. 

Chas.  M.  Greene Harrison.  R.  E.  Sevier Conway. 

Sixtli  District. 

B.  F.  Bodenhamer Mountain  Home.  Chas.  F.  Cole Beebe. 

H.  H.  Meyers Brinkley.  J.  M.  McClintock DeVall's  Bluff. 


CALIFORNIA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

L.  A.  Sheldon Los  Angeles. 

J.  B.  Spreckles San  Francisco. 

U.  S.  Grant San  Diego. 

George  A.   Knight San  Francisco. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  yi.  G leaves Shasta. 

D.  E.  Knight Yuba. 

J.  A.  Loutitt San  Joaquin. 

George  Stone San  Francisco. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Daniel  Cole Sierra.  Dr.  F.  Horel Humboldt. 

A.  B.  Lemmon Sonoma.  J.  T.  Laird Modoc. 

176 


CHAUNCEY  I.   FiLLEY,  0F\M  ISSOl'Kl . 


Republican  National  Convention. 
CALIFORNIA— OnZ/wtt^-rf. 


Second  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Grove  L.  Johnson Sacramento.  V.  I).  Ryan Sacramento. 

J.  H.  Neff Placer.  K.  C.  Voorheis Amador. 

Third  District. 

E.  S.  Dennison Oakland.  C.  L.  Lang Alameda. 

A.  A.  Hockheimer Willows.  Wallace  Pond Woodland. 

Fourth  District. 

Joseph  S.  Spear San  Francisco.  E.  J.  Baldwin San  Francisco. 

Henry  I.  Kawalsky San  Francisco.  Michael  Seligson San  Francisco. 

Fifth  District. 

William  Clufif San  Francisco.  A.  S.  Mangrum San  Francisco. 

O.  A.  Hale Santa  Clara.  J.  L.  Koster San  Francisco. 

Sixth  District. 

Hervey  Lindley Los  Angeles.  F.  P.  Flint I>o8  Angeles. 

T.  J.  Field Monterey.  Elwood  Cooper Santa  Barbara. 

Seventh  District. 

F.  H.  Short Fresno.  W.  H.  McKillrick Kern. 

H.  H.  Sinclair San  Bernardino.  Frank  A.  Miller Riverside. 


COIvORADO. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Henry  M.  Teller Central  City. 

Frank -C.  Goudy Denver. 

John  W.  Rockefellow Crested  Butte. 

James  M.  Downing Aspen. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Robert  W.  Bonynge Denver. 

Charles  F.  Caswell Grand  Junction. 

David  J.  Kelly Denver. 

John  A.  Williams Denver. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATE.S. 

A.  M.  Stevenson Denver.  C.  B.  Timberlake Holyoke. 

John  F.  Vivian Golden.  James  Cowie Boulder. 

Second  District. 

C.  J.  Hart Pueblo.  J.  J.  Elliott Central  City. 

Charles  H.  Brickenstein Conejos.  Charles  Newman Durango. 


CONNECTICUT. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Morgan  C.  BucKley Hartford. 

John  I.  Hutchinson Essex. 

A.  H.  Brewer Norwich. 

Samuel  Fessenden Stamford. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Lewis  B.  PHmpton Hartford. 

Wm.  T.  Rockwell Meriden. 

Frederick  Farnsworth  New  London. 

Howard  B.  Scott Danbury 

177 


Republican  National  Convention. 
CONNECTICUT— G;«//«7/^df. 


DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

J.  A.  Cheney South  Manchester.  Chas.  M.  Jarvis  Berlin. 

Geo.  Sykes Rockville.  Wm.  H.  Prescott Vernon. 

Second  District. 

Rufus  Blake Derby.  James  Graham Orange. 

John  M.  Douglas Middletown.  Wm.  A.  Brathwell Chester. 

Third  District. 

T.  H.  Allen Sprague.  Jas.  Pendleton Stonington. 

Charles  E.  Searles Thompson.  Lucius  11.  Fuller Thompson. 

Fourtli  District. 

E.  O.  Keeler Norwalk.  John  A.  Rusling Bridgeport. 

Hubert  Williams Salisbury.  Rufus  E.  Holmes West  Winsted- 


DELAWARE. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Anthony  Higgins Wilmington. 

John  Pilling ,.... Newark. 

Henry  A.  Dupont Wilmington. 

Washington  Hastings Wilmington. 

Dr.  L.  H.Ball Faulkland. 

Cornelius  P.  Swain Bridgeville. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Henry  G.  !Morse Wilmington. 

James  H.  Wilson .' Wilmington. 

Henry  L.  Hynson Milford. 

Joshua  Parker Dover. 

Robert  Arnell Lewes. 

W.  E.  Cordery Bethel. 


FLORIDA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Joseph  E.  Lee  (colored) Jacksonville. 

John  G.  Long St.  Augustine. 

Emory  F.  Skinner Escambia. 

L.  W.  Livingston  (colored) Key  West. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

M.  ^L  Moore  (colored)   Orlando. 

John  R.   Scott Jacksonville. 

A.  Lincoln  Pohalski Key  West. 

B.  C.  Tunison Pensacola. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

M.  S.  White Apalachicola.  AV.  H.  Northrop Pensacola. 

James  N.  Coombs Pensacola.  A.  C.  Sammis Port  Tampa. 

Second  District. 

Dennis  Eagan Jacksonville.  John  E.  Stillman Jacksonville. 

Isaac  L.  Purcell  (colored) Palatka.  W.  A.  Wilkinson  (colored). .Flemington. 

178 


Republican  National  Convention. 
GEORGIA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

A.  E.  Buck Atlanta. 

H.  L.  Johnston Atlanta. 

Henry  Rucker Atlanta. 

John  H.  Deveaux Macon. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

R.  D.  Locke „ Macon. 

L.  M.  Plesant Savannah. 

B.  J.  Davis DawBon. 

R.  R.  Wright College. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

M.  J.  Doyle Savannah.  F.  N.  Sims Thebes. 

8.  B.  Morse Savannah.  P.  J.  Majors Waynesboro. 

Second  District. 

B.  F.  Brimberry Albany.  J.  J.  :Mitchell Mercer's  Mills. 

J.  C.  Styles Dawson.  A.  E.  Dippett Albany. 

Tfiird  District. 

W.  P.   Pierce Leesbnrg.  .Aueustus  Pate Hawkinsville. 

E.  S.  Richardson Marshalville.  F.  M.  Harkless Delegal. 

Fourtfi  District. 

W.  H.   Johnson Columbus.  Samuel  Lovejoy Greenville. 

D.  V.  Norwood Newnan.  J.  11.  Grant Forsyth. 

Firth  District. 

D.  C.  Wimbish Atlanta.  J.  M.  Smith Monroe. 

L.  J.  Price South  Atlanta.  W.  R.  Gray Cambleton. 

Sixth  District. 

F.  J.  Wiraberlv Atlanta.  P.  S.  Arnold Favetteville. 

I.  W.  Wood...' Forsyth.  Richard  Carey "..,. Griffin. 

Seventli  District. 

Charles  Adamson Cedartovvn.  Frank  Lvnch Dallas. 

T.  M.  Dent Rome.  Eli  II.  Chandler Marietta. 

Eighth  District. 

W.  A.  Pledger Atlanta.  H.  Carter Lexington. 

M.  B.  Morton Athens.  T.  L.  Kennedy Elberton. 

Ninth  District. 

A.  J.  Spence Nelson.  H.  M.  Ellington Ellijay. 

J.  B.  Gaston Gainesville.  H.  1).  Ingersoll  Dahlonega. 

Tenth  District. 

Judson  W.  Lions Augusta.  Wm.  A.  McCloud Wadley. 

J.  M.  Barnes Thompson.  A.  E.  Williams Gordon. 

Eleventh  District. 

Wm.  Jones Valdosta.  J.  M.  Holzendorf Sheffield. 

S.  M.  Scarlett Waycross.  Giles  McLendon Dublin. 

179 


Republican  National  Convention. 
IDAHO. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

F.  T.  Dubois Blackfoot. 

Willis  Sweet  Moscow Littleton. 

Price  Haley Wallace. 

A.  B.  Campbell Wallace. 

Ben.  E.  Rich Roxbury. 

Alexander  Robertson Nampa. 


ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

A.  V.  Ferguson Pocatello. 

C.  J.  Bassett Pocatello. 

C.  W.  Beal Wallace. 

T.  A.  Deitrick Blackfoot. 

S.  C.  John Hailey. 

R.  W.  Purdum Nampa. 


ILLINOIS. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Robert  W.  Patterson Chicago. 

Wm.  Penn  Nixon Chicago. 

Joseph  W.  Fifer ...Bloomington. 

Richard  J.  Oglesby Elkhart. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Chas.  M.  Pepper Chicago. 

James  W.  Ellsworth Chicago. 

Rev..  Jordan  Chavis Quincy. 

Pleasant  T.  Chapman Vienna. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District, 

DKLEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Martin  B.  Madden Chicago.  B.  E.  Hoppin Chicago. 

Frank  C.  Roby Chicago.  F.  C.  Propper Chicago. 

Second  District. 

Edward  S.  Conway Oak  Park.  W.  H.  Bennett Austin. 

Wm.  Lorimer Chicago.  Walter  Page Chicago. 

Third  District. 

Edward  R.  Brainerd Chicago.  William  Murphy Chicago. 

George  M.  Schneider Chicago.  John  A.  Kuns  Chicago. 

Fourtli  District. 

Joseph  Bidwill Chicago.  William  H.  Curran Chicago. 

Thomas  O'Shaughnessy Chicago.  Henry  S.  Burkhardt Chicago. 

Fiftli  District. 

John  M.  Smyth Chicago.  James  H.  Burke Chicago. 

Phillip  Knopf Chicago.  James  Painter Chicago. 

Sixtli  District. 

Samuel  B.  Raymond Chicago.  Samuel  E.  Erickson Chicago. 

Graeme  Steward Chicago.  Charles  W.  Catlin Chicago. 

180 


Republican  National  Convention. 

ILLINOIS— Ow//>/«^^ 


Seventh  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Charles  Whitney Waukegan.  Stephen  A.  Reynolds Maplewood. 

George  P.  Engelhardt Evanston.  Wm.  Gahagan Chicago. 

Eighth  District. 

Isaac  L.  Ellwood DeKalb.  T.  B.  Stewart Elburn. 

H.  D.  Judson Aurora.  H.  D.  Crum Woodstock. 

Ninth  District. 

Smith  D.  Atkins Freeport.  Charles  E.  Fuller Belvidere. 

R.  S.  Farrand Dixon.  F.  M.  Jenks Mt.  Carroll. 

Tenth  District. 

Chas.  H.  Deere Moline.  W.  H.  Edwards Rock  Island. 

L.  H.  Brookfield Sterling.  F.  G.  Ramsay Morrison. 

Eleventh  District. 

Duncan  McDougall Ottawa.  F.  R.  Stewart Strawn. 

Thomas  J.  Henderson Princeton.  Edward  Burton ; Princeton. 

Twelfth  District. 

H.  K.  Wheeler Kankakee.  J.  D.  Benedict Danville. 

H.  M.  Snapp Joliet.  Addison  Goddell Loda. 

Thirteenth  District. 

W.  H.  Kratz Monticello.  N.  M.  Benefit Atwood. 

Charles  G.Eckert.... Tuscola.  T.  M.  King Gibson  City. 

Fourteenth  District. 

Charles  E.  Snively  Canton.  George  Hutchins Lacon. 

J.  C.  Pinckney Peoria.  Frank  A.  High Mason  City. 

Fifteenth  District. 

J.  Mack  Scholl Carthage.  J.  H.  Basterat Quincy. 

J.  O.  Anderson  Decorah.  Washington  Brockman Mt.  Sterling. 

Sixteenth  District. 

Asa  C.  Mathews Pittsfield.  E.  .\I.  Husted Roodhouse. 

Sargent  McKnight Girard.  Thomas  Conlyt Beardstown. 

Seventeenth  District. 

J.  Otis  Humphrey Springfield.  N.  W.  Branson Petersburgh. 

Hugh  Crea Decatur.  J.  E.  Hill Lincoln. 

Eighteenth  District. 

H.  J.  Hamlin  Shelbyville.  F.  R.  Millinor Litchfield. 

A.  H.  Kinne Highland.  W.  W.  I^wis Greenville. 

Nineteenth  District. 

A.  H.  Jones Robinson.  Aden  Knoph Olney. 

H.  A.  Neal  Charleston.  John  Q.  Hitch West  Liberty. 

Twentieth  District. 

Thomas  S.  Ridgwav Shawneetown.  H.  S.  Plummer Mt.  Vernon. 

Walter  Colyer .' Albion.  Van  K.  Price Mt.  Erie. 

Twenty-first  District. 

W.  A.  Rodenburg East  St.  Louis.  H.  L.  Rhodes Centralia. 

J.  D.  Gerlach Chester.  W.  D.  Carter Nashville. 

Twenty-second  District. 

Frank  A.  Prickett Carbondale.  A.  N.  Starks Metropolis. 

James  E.  Jobe Harrisburg.  Richard  Taylor Cairo. 

181 


Republican  National  Convention. 
INDIANA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Col.  R.  AV.  Tliompson Terre  Haute. 

C.  W.  Fairbanks Indianapolis. 

Gen.  Lew  V\'alla<'e Crawfordsville. 

Frank  M.  Millikan New  Castle. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Hiram  Brownlee Marion. 

K.  O.  Hopkins Evansville. 

George  L.  Knox Indianapolis. 

R.  T.  McDonald Ft.  Wayne. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Jas.  H.  McNeely Evansville.  E.  E.  I^okwood Poseyville. 

Jas.  B.  Gamble Princeton.  Otto  Kolb Booiiville. 

Second  District. 

Nat.  U.  Hill Bloomingtnn.  M.  C.  Stephenson Worthington. 

B.  F.  Polk Freelandville.  V.  V.  Williams...  Bedford. 

Third  District. 

H.  C.  Hobbs Salem.  .Tolin  Zimmerman Cannelton. 

JohnT.  Stout Paoii.  .1.  L.  Fisher Scottsburg. 

Fourth  District. 

O.  H.  Montgomery Seymour.  W.  G.  Norris North  Vernon. 

A.  E.  Nowlin  Lawrem-eburg.  Simon  Beymer Rising  Sun. 

Fifth  District. 

Taylor  Reagan Plainfield.  David  Strouse Rockville. 

Jesse  W.  Walk (ireencastle.  A.  .1.  Ralph Dana. 

Sixth  District. 

Elmer  E.  Stoner GreentioUl.  II.  R.  Lennard Matamora. 

J.  W.  Ross Connersville.  T.  C.  Kennedy Shelbyville. 

Seventh  District. 

Harry  S.  New Indianapolis.  Win.  Kothe Indianapolis. 

Jos.  B.  Keeling Indianapolis.  W.  T.  Thompson Edinburg. 

Eighth  District. 

W.T.  Durbin \n(U'rson.  L.  C.  Davenport Bluffton. 

T.  H.  Johnson Dunkirk.  B.  W.  Quinn Decatur. 

Ninth  District. 

D.  A.  Coulter Frankfort.  Jas.  B.  Johns Tipton. 

C.  N.  Williams Crawfordsville.  W.  O.  Darnell Lebanon. 

Tenth  District. 

G.  S.  Van  Dusen Michigan  City.  Elmer  K.  Bringham Goodland. 

Cloyd  Laughery Monticello.  Clark  Cook  Fowler. 

Eleventh  District. 

A.  L.  Lawshe Converse.  C.  W.  Watkins Huntington. 

Lewis  Signs North  Manchester.  I>.  .McDowoll Kokomo. 

Twelfth  District. 

Frank  S.  Roby Angola.  Chas.  Sullivan Garrett. 

Chas.  D.  Law' Fort  Wayne.  J.  D.  Farrell La  Grange. 

Thirteenth  District. 

A.  L.  Brick South  Bend.  .Alonzo  Craig North  Judson. 

J.  H.  Heatwole Goshen.  Edwin  Newton Winamac. 

182 


Republican  National  Convention. 
IOWA. 


DELEGATKS  AT  LARGE. 

John  H.  Gear Burlington. 

W.  P.  Hepburn Clarinda. 

D.  B.  Henderson Dubngue. 

J.  S.   Clarkson Des  Moines. 

ALTKHXATKS  AT  LARGE. 
George  >L  Curtis Clinton. 

E.  G.  McMillen O'Brien. 

Phila  Shaller Sac  City. 

C.  J.  A.  Erickson Boone. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

James  C.  Davis  Keokuk.  J.  A.  Cunningham Washington. 

Charles  M.  Junkin Fairfield.  E.  F.  Lacy  Louisa. 

Second  District. 

Seth  L.  Baker Bellevue.  J.  L.  Smith Clinton. 

George  W.  French Davenport.  \V.  \V.  McMullen  >iusc«tine. 

Third  District. 

Edward  Knott Waverly.  F.  J.  Will Eagle  Grove. 

J.  T.  Merry Manchester.  Charles  T.  Hancock  Dubuque. 

Fourth  District. 

S.  B.  Zeigler West  Union.  F.  G.  Atherton  Osage. 

Edward  Collins Nortlnvood.  Win.  H.  Parker I^awler. 

Fifth  District. 

G.  R.  Struble Toledo.  F.  C.  Letts Marshalltown. 

S.  W.  Rathbun Marion.  \V.  F.  Lake Jones. 

Sixth  District. 

Calvin  Manning Ottumwa.  N.  S.  Johnson Bloomfield. 

W.  H.  Xeedham Sigourney.  John  E.  Ottil Prairie  City. 

Seventh  District. 

A.  B.  Cummins Des  ^Moines.  C.  R.  Benton Dallas. 

C.  D.  Bevington Winterset.  J.  A.  Mills Story. 

Eighth  District. 

L.  Banks  Wilson Creston.  E.  J.  Dickinson Corydon. 

R.  H.  Spence Mt.  Ayr.  W.  D.  Eaton  Sidney. 

Ninth  District. 

John  N.  Baldwin Council  Bluffs.  F.  M.  Hopkins (iuthrie  Centre. 

Silas  Wilson Atlantic.  S.  J.  Patterson Logan. 

Tenth  District. 

George  C.  Call .\Itrnn:i.  S.  J.  Moore   Boone. 

H.   W.  Macomber Carroll.  J.  H.  Bradt Rockwell  City. 

Eleventh  District. 

F.  H.  Heisell Sioux  Hapid.s.  C.  H.  Wiiitcral>le Primghar. 

E.  C.  Roach Rock  Rapids.  Lyman  Whittier Onawa. 


KANSAS. 


DKLKiiATES   AT   L.\RGE. 

Cyrus  Inland,  Jr Troy. 

Nathaniel  Barnes Kansas  City. 

Thomas  J.  Andersou Topeka. 

A.  P.  Riddle Minneapolis. 

M.  M.  Murdock Wichita. 

C.  A.  Swenson Lindsboro. 

183 


Repubucan  National  Convention. 
KAl^SAS—Conh'nued. 


ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  B.  Townsend Leavenworth. 

Thos.  Anderson Wilder. 

E.  L.  Sliafer Council  Grove. 

W.  H.  Nelson Arkansas  City. 

T.  M.  Walker Alton. 

George  Huycke Ellsworth. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Wm.  C.  Hook Leavenworth.  C.  F.  Isaacson Seneca. 

John  Schilling Hiawatha.  Oscar  Page rburg Belvue. 

Second  District. 

Grant  Hornaday Ft.  Scott.  T.  N.  Hancock Olathe. 

W.  H.  Brown Paola.  D.  A.  Crocker Pleasanton. 

Tliird  District. 

John  Randolph Pittsburg.  Sam'l  Fitzpatrick Sedan. 

E.  G.  Dewey Elk  City.  John  Sperry Thayer. 

Fourth  District. 

I.E.Lambert Emporia.  D.  P.  Blood Douglass. 

J.  S.  Dean   Marion.  C.  A.  Sayre Cedar  Point. 

Fiftli  District. 

T.  D.  Fitzpatrick Salina.  A.  B.  Kimball Scandia. 

Geo.  W.  Higgenbothen Manhattan.  T.  E.  Raines Concordia. 

Sixtli  District. 

E.  F.  Robinson Osborne.  G.  A.  Gilpin Oberlin. 

I.  T  Purcell Gove  City.  Dr.  W.  A.  Lee Stockton. 

Seventli  District. 

H.J.  Bone Ashland.  John  C.  Nicholson Newton. 

Frank  Vincent Hutchinson.  F.  L.  Irish Sterhng. 


KENTUCKY. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

L.  P.  Tarlton Frankfort. 

W.  J.  DeBoe Marion. 

A.  R.  Broonam  Richmond. 

S.  E.  Smith Owensboro. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  J.  Lyons Newport. 

Thos.  Forman Mayville. 

Edward  Chenault Lexington. 

W.F.Welsh Beattyville. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

J.  H.  Happy Eddyville.  Irwin  Wood Kuttawa. 

W.  B.  Yandell Marion.  Jacob  Marshall Wickliffe. 

Second  District. 

W.  G.  Overstreet. Owensboro.  Geo.  Irwin Calhoun. 

T.  W.  Gardner Rome.  Rev.  P.  H.  Kennedy Henderson. 

184 


Warner  Miller,  of  New  York. 


'  *  *••'.  .*  ••  •     • 


•  *.     .» 


Republican  National  Convention. 
KENTUCKY— G7;///«Kr</. 


Third  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

W.  G.  Hunter Burksville.  J.  B.  Coffman RusselWille. 

J.  L.  Butler Morgantown.  

Fourth  District. 

J.  B.  Carlisle '. Tyebanon.  J.  Canyers  Mumfordville. 

B.  B.  Burton Hardingsburg.  J.  E.  Wood Elizabethtown. 

Fifth  District. 

George  D,  Todd Louisville.  

Charles  E.  Sapp Crescent  Hill.  

Sixth  District. 

W.  McShaw Covington.  R.  P.  Ernst Covington. 

C.  N.  Valandingham Williamstown.  John  Tettan Falmouth. 

Seventh  District. 

George  Denny Lexington.  R.  P.  StoU Lexington. 

Leslie  Combs Lexington.  L.  Frank  Sinclair Georgetown. 

Eighth  District. 

J.  W.  Yerkes Danville.  S.  E.  Welch Derea. 

.T.  W.  Carpenter Richmond.  J.  N.  Cuelton Redhoase. 

Ninth  District. 

J.  P.  McCartney Flemingsburg.  Dr.  T.  S.  Bardford  Augusta. 

Frank  Coles Ashland.  J.  B.  Wilhoit Grayson. 

Tenth  District. 

Jeff.  Prater Salyersville.  Capt.  D.  L.  Cook Winchester. 

Howard  Wilson Mt.  Sterling.  R.  L.  Stewart Hindman. 

Eleventh  District. 

John  G.  White.. Manchester.  J.  A.  Coleman Monticello. 

L.  T.  Neat Columbia.  John  Eversole Booneville. 


LOUISIANA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Henry  Demas Edgard. 

J.  Madison  Vance New  Orleans. 

Albert  H.  Leonard Shreveport. 

William  Pitt  Kellogg New  Orleans. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  J.  Sullivan Donaldsonville. 

Joseph  Honore,  Jr New  Orleans. 

W.  H.  Williams New  Orleans. 

S.  A.  Warden New  Orleans. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Henry  C.  Warmouth Magnolia.  James  Lewis New  Orleans. 

Waller  L.  Cohen New  Orleans.  A.  T.  Gabriel New  Orleans. 

Second  District. 

A.  T.  Wimberly New  Orleans.  L.  B.  Carmouche McDonoghville. 

Richard  Simms Central.  Ernest  Ducogne   New  Orleans. 

Third  District. 

T.  A.  Cage  (>^  vote)    ....    New  Orleans.  jj   ^  ^f^j^^^ Donaldsonville. 

Meyer  Cahn  {}4  vote)  ...Donaldsonville. 

L^  S.  Clark  (>^  vote)       Franklin.  j  ^  Davidson Bayoa  Goala. 

Wm.  J.  Behan  {H  vote) New  Orleans.  ^ 

185 


Republican  National  Convention. 
LOUISIANA— Continued. 


Fourth  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

B.  F.  O'Neal Benton.  

William  Harper Shreveport.  

Fiftii  District. 

I.  B.  Donnelly New  Orleans.  J.  M.  Cook East  Carroll. 

S.  W.  Green Lake  Providence.  Charles  J.  Green Ruston. 

Sixtti  District. 

T.  B.  Brooks Opelousas.  Michael  Winfield 

W.  W.  Johnson Mandeville.  Henry  Eisle Bayou  Chicot. 


MAINE. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Amos  L.  Allen Alfred. 

Charles  E.  Littletield Rockland. 

Edwin  C.  Burleigh Augusta. 

E.  A.  Thompson Dover. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

John  I.  Sturgis New  Gloucester. 

B.  F.  Briggs Auburn. 

Charles  A.  Marston Skowhegan. 

George  B.  Dunn Houlton. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

George  P.  Westcott Portland.  Charles  E.  Townsend Brunswick. 

J.  T.  Davidson York.  Joseph  F.  Warren Buxton. 

Second  District. 

Harold  M.  Sewall Batli.  Waldo  Pettingell Rumford  Falls. 

Hiram  Ricker Poland.  W.   S.  White Rockland. 

Tliird  District. 

Forrest  Goodwin Skowhegan.  Etlward  B.  Rodick Bar  Harbor. 

Edward  E.  Chase Blue  Hill.  Geo.  W.  Heseltine Gardiner. 

Fourtli  District. 

Stanley  Plummer Dexter.  Isaiah  K.  Stetson Bangor. 

W.  M.  Nash Cherryfield.  Gleason  R.  Campbell Cherryfleld. 


MARYLAND. 


deleg.\tj:s  at  large. 

George  L.  W^ellington Cumberland. 

James  A.  Gary Baltimore. 

William  T.  Malster Baltimore. 

Robert  P.  Graham Salisbury. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  B.  Fletcher   Annapolis. 

George  W.  Bryant Baltimore. 

H.  M.Sinclair Cambridge. 

N.  M.  Kittenhouse Baltimore. 

186 


Republican  National  Convention. 
MA  R  Y  LA  N  D—Co/t  tin  lud. 


DISTRICT  DKLKGATKS. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  AI.TER.NATM. 

Wm.  D.  Strauglin Snow  Hill.  Win.  J.  Vannort Chcstertown. 

B.  Goo  tee  Stevens  Williston.  John  P.  Forrester Centreville. 

Second  District. 

W.  J.  Smith Elkton.  Milton  Schaefter WestminBter. 

C.  Ross  Mace Baltimore.  E.  M.  Hoffman Baltimore. 

Third  District. 

Wm.  F.  Airey Baltimore.  Jolin  C.  Smith Baltimore. 

T.  FrankTyler Baltimore.  John  C.  Friedel  Baltimore. 

Fourth  District. 

Felix  Agnus Baltimore.  Robert  L.  Stevens Baltimore. 

Wm.  E.  Tilghman Baltimore.  Conrad  Willis Baltimore. 

Fifth  District. 

Washington  G.  Tuck Annapolis.  John  T.  Brookes Mutual. 

Sj'dney  P".  Mudd Bryantown.  Benjamin  F.  Hiss Baltimore. 

Sixth  District. 

S.  T.  Haffner Frederick.  David  E.  Dick  Frostburj?. 

Roberts.  Crawford Hagerstown.  Charles  B.  Jones Rockvilie. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge Nahant. 

W.  Murray  Crane Dalton. 

Eben  S.  Draper Hopedale. 

Curtis  Guild,  Jr Boston. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Roland  H.  Boutwell Belmont. 

Richard  F.  Hawkins Springfield. 

Louis  C.  Southard Easton, 

S.  E.  Courtney Boston. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Perlev  A.  Russell Barrington.  (ieorge  K.  Baird Lee. 

Wm. 'Whiting Holyoke.  Franklin  E.  Snow Greenfield. 

Second  District. 

Elisha  Morgan Springfield.  R.  W.  Irwin Northampton. 

Walter  M.  Wright Orange.  Thomas  H.  Goodspeed  .\thoL 

Third  District. 

A.  E.  Smith Leicester.  Granby  P.  Bridges Hopkinton. 

M.  V.  B.  Jefferson Worcester.  Jas.  P.  Crosby Worcester. 

Fourth  District. 

Geo.  W.  Weymouth Fitchbure.  Henry  Parsons .Marlboro. 

Chas.  K.  Moulton Waltham.  (ieorge  J.  Burns Ayer. 

Fifth  District. 

Wm.  M.Wood Andover,  E.  F.  Johnson Wobnrn. 

H.  K.White Lowell.  N.  P.  Frye Andover. 

Sixth  District. 

Geo.  R.  Jewett Salem.  Chas.  O.  Baily Newbury. 

H.  Hale  Willard  Newburyport.  Chas.  D.  Brown Gloucester. 

187 


Republican  National  Convention. 
UASSACnVSnTTS—Conimued. 


Seventh  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTEBNATK8. 

Amos  F.  Bread Lynn.  Geo.  H.  Dunham Chelsea. 

Jas.  Pierce  Maiden.  Walter  S.  Keene Stoneham. 

Eiglith  District. 

A.  E.  Winship Somerville.  Stanley  Ruffin Boston. 

John  Hopewell,  Jr Cambridge.  Edward  S.  Crockett Boston. 

Nintli  District. 

Geo.  A.  Hibbard  Boston.  Arthur  G.  Wood Boston. 

Jesse  M.  Gove Boston.  Peter  Morrison Boston. 

Tentli  District. 

Augustus  T.  Sweat Boston.  Stephen  M.  Marshall Boston. 

Chas.  L.  Hammond Quincy.  Geo.  F.  Lowell  Boston. 

Eleventh  District. 

Everett  C.  Benton Belmont.  Chas.  H.  Utely Brookline. 

John  S.  Richardson Boston.  Burrill  Porter,  Jr. ..North  Attleborough 

Twelfth  District. 

Robert  0.  Harris East  Bridgewater.  Thos.  E.  Grover Canton. 

Fred.  S.  Hall Taunton.  A.  H.  Washburn Middleboro 

Thirteenth  District. 

Wm.  M.  Butler New  Bedford.  Walter  I.  Rich Barnstable. 

Leontine  Lincoln Fall  River.  Walter  O.  Luscomb Falmouth. 


MICHIGAN. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Russell  A.  Alger Detroit. 

Thomas  J.  O'Brien Grand  Rapids. 

John  Duncan Calumet. 

Mark  S.  Brewer Pontiac. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Crawford  S.  Kelsey Battle  Creek. 

Henry  A.  Haigh Detroit. 

Geo.  A.  Kempf Chelsea. 

Isaac  C.  Wasliington Port  Huron. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

David  Meginity Detroit.  Otto  E.  E.  Guelich Detroit. 

Freeman  B.  Dickerson Detroit.  James  H.Stone Detroit. 

Second  District. 

James  T.  Hurst Wyandotte.  Chas.  A.  Blair Jackson. 

Edward  P.  Allen Ypsilanti.  Henry  C.  Smith Adrian. 

Third  District. 

Hamilton  King Olivet.  Albert  A.  Dorrance Coldwater. 

Ebenezer  O.  Grosvenor Jonesville.  Herbert  E.  Winsor Marshall. 

Fourth  District. 

Frank  W.  Waitt Sturgis.  John  L.  Yost Cassopolis. 

Richard  B.  Messer Hastings.  Henry  Sherwood Reedsville. 

Fifth  District. 

Gerrit  J.  Diekema Holland.  Neil  McMillan Rockford. 

Wm.  H.  Anderson Grand  Rapids.  Grant  M.  Morse Ionia. 

Sixth  District. 

Wm.  McPherson Howell.  Theodore  M,  Wolter Detroit. 

Geo.  W.  Buckingham Flint.  John  Robson Lansing. 

188 


Republican  National  Convention. 
MICHIGAN— Continued. 


Seventh  District. 

DKLEGATB8.  ALTBRNATBB. 

John  L.  Starkweather Romeo.  Samuel  W.Vance Port  Haron. 

William  H.  Aitken Sanilac.  J.  Herbert  Cole Lapeer. 

Eighth  District. 

Oliver  L.  Spaulding St.  John.  Geo.  W.  Hill Sapnaw. 

Theron  W.  Atwood Caro.  Otto  Sprague OwoMO. 

Ninth  District. 

Chas.  H.  Hackley Muskegon.  Frank  P.  Dunwell Ludingion. 

Edgar  G.  Maxwell Pentwater.  Earl  Fairbanks Luther. 

Tenth  District. 

Temple  Emery East  Ta was.  Pearly  C.  Heald Midland. 

J.  Frank  Eddy Bay  City.  Eugene  Foster Gladwin. 

Eleventh  District.  • 

Edgar  P.  Babcock Kalkaska.  Legrand  E.  Slussar Mancelona. 

Chas.  L.  Crandall Big  Rapids.  Geo.  W.  Minchin Evart. 

Twelfth  District. 

James  McNaughton Iron  Mountain.  Henry  J.  Woessner Menominee. 

Charles  E.  Miller Ironwood.  Frank  O.  Mead Eecanaba. 


MINNESOTA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

George  Thompson St.  Paul. 

R.  G.  Evans Minneapolis. 

L.  P.  Hunt Mankato. 

Chas.  F.  Hendryx  Sauk  Centre. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

A.  H.  Reed Glencoe. 

Ira  C.  Richardson Thief  River  Falls. 

James  Diment Owatonna. 

Burger  Thurstenson Cokato. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 

First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

A.  D.  Gray Preston.  P.  H.  Bailey Waseca. 

L.  S.  Swenson Albert  Lea.  Clans  K.  Dahl... Caledonia. 

Second  District. 

W.  R.  Edwards Tracv.  L.  G.  Beebe Winnebago  City. 

"W.  H.  Rowe St.  James.  D.  A.  McLarty Granite  Falls. 

Third  District. 

L.  F.  Hubbard Red  Wing.  F.  F.  Griebe Hastings. 

T.  M.  Paine Glencoe.  Samuel  Bowler Belle  Plaine. 

Fourth  District. 

Wm.  R.  Merriam St.  Paul.  Fred.  S.  Bryant St.  Paul. 

J.  H.  Crandall Cottage  Grove.  H.  F.  Barker Cambridge. 

Fifth  District. 

Chas.  A.  Pillsbury Minneapolis.  Chas.  S.  Cairne Minneapolis. 

Ell  Torrence Minneapolis.  J.  Frank  Wheaton Minneapolis. 

Sixth  District. 

Munroe  Nichols Duluth.  W.  S.  McDonald  Annandale. 

A.  D.  Davidson Little  Falls.  Frank  Wilson Wadena. 

Seventh  District. 

C.  J.  Gunderson Alexandria.  P.  H.  Konzens Hallock. 

Ezra  G.  Valentine Breckenridge.  G.  S.  Wattam Warren. 

189 


Republican  National  Convention. 
MISSISSIPPI. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

James  Hill  (colored) Jackson. 

John  S.  Burton Holly  Springs. 

Albert  M.  Lee Vicksburg. 

E.  H.  Lampton  (colored) Greenville. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Nelson  A.  Anderson  (colored) Vicksburg. 

William  B.  Sorsbye Clinton. 

William  A.  Alcorn,  Sr Clarksdale. 

William  E.  Mask  (colored) Winona. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  AI-TERNATES. 

William  F.  Elgin Corinth.  Daniel  A.  Adams luka. 

Richard  D.  Littlejohn  (col.). .Columbus.  John  Fears  (colored) Monroe. 

Second  District. 

George  W.  Buchanan Holly  Springs.  William  Kennedy Ripley. 

William  Simmons  (colored) Sardis.  J.  W.  Avant Oxford. 

Tfiird  District. 

Wesley  Crayton Vicksburg.  George  W.  Butler Anguilla. 

Joseph  E.  Ousley Eutaw.  George  W.  Gilliam  Lula. 

Fourtli  District. 

Charles  Rosenbaum De  Kalb.  James  M.  T^verette Walthall. 

Eugene E. Pettibone  (colored). .Grenada.  Byron  W.  Foree  (colored). ..West  Point. 

Fiftli  District. 

R.  A.  Simmons Richland.  John  C.  Hill Meridian. 

A.J.Hyde Meridian.  J.  W.  Smith Meridian. 

Sixtli  District. 

C.  A.  Simpson. Pass  Christian.  T;  J.  Keys Ocean  Springs. 

George  F.  Bowles  (colored) Natchez.  J.  L.  Collins Bay  St.  Louis. 

Seventli  District. 

James  M.  Matthews,  Sr Wesson.  Emil  Enebarth Rodney. 

George  C.  Gran  berry  (cord)..Raymond.  Edward  \V.  Jones  (colored) Jackson. 


MISSOURI. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Chauncey  I.  Filley St.  Louis. 

Wm.  Warner Kansas  City. 

F.  G.  Niedringhaus St.  Louis. 

J.  H.  Bothwell Sedalia. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Louis  Benecke Brunswick. 

Jas.  T.  Moore Lebanon. 

I^eon  Jordan Kansas  City. 

W.  M.  Farmer St.  Louis. 

DISTRICT  dp:legates. 

First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Jos.  Park La  Plata.  J.  L.  Baker Lancaster. 

Edward  W.  Robinson Kahoka.  A.  L.  Freeland Lakeland. 

Second  District. 

Jas.  L.  Minnis Carrollton.  W.  B.  Rodgers Trenton. 

J.  E.  Swanger. Milan.  W.  B.  Stewart Moberly. 

190 


Republican  National  Convention. 
MISSOURI— Co>t/inited. 


Third  District. 

DKLEGATES.  ALTKRXATBS. 

M.  M.  Campbell Albany.  James  A.  Katlibun Braymer. 

Jackson  Walker Bethany.  P.  M.  Hatch Osborn. 

Fourth  District. 

John  G.  Grems Maryville.  Halpli  O.  Stauber  St.  Ix>ai8. 

J.  L.  Bittinger St.  Joseph.  H.  E.  Ralston Elmo. 

Fifth  District. 

Joseph  H.  Harris Kansas  City.  W.  H.  Wagoner Independence. 

Ed.  ^I.  Taubman Lexington.  Nelson  Crews Kansas  City. 

Sixth  District. 

F.  E.  Kellogg Rich  Hill.  B.  Zick Pleasant  Hill. 

S.  W.  Jurden Holden.  Geo.  R.  Baker Montrose. 

Seventh  District. 

B.F.Leonard Bolivar.  F.  B.  Parker Springfield. 

J.  J.  Smith Sweet  Springs.  W.  M.  Johns  Sedalia. 

Eighth  District. 

A.  R.  Jackson Climax  Springs.  W.  Smithpeter Buffalo. 

F.  B.  Lander California.  W.  L.  Vaughn Linn. 

Ninth  District. 

A.  F.  Mispagel St.  Charles.  T.  L.  Dou&rlas Mexico. 

S.  T.  Sharp Montgomery  City.  S.  R.  McKay Troy. 

Tenth  District. 

L.  J.  W.  AVall St.  Louis.  G.  A.  Wurdeman Old  Orchard. 

Chas.  F.  Gallinkamp Union.  Fritz  W.  Clemens St.  Ix>uis. 

Eleventh  District. 

F.  B.  Brownell St.  Louis.  L.  M.  Fishback  St.  Louis. 

Lee  A.  Phillips St.  Louis.  Henry  Gaus,  Jr St.  Louis. 

Twelfth  District. 

Nathan  Frank St.  Louis.  T.  A.  Arnold St.  I>oui8. 

Chas.  D.  Comfort St.  Louis.  C.  G.  Schoenhard,  Jr St.  Louis. 

Thirteenth  District. 

C.  B.  Parsons Riverside.  John  Schwab,  Jr Ironton. 

C.  Jesse  Roote Mansfield.  Ray  Phillips Roy. 

Fourteenth  District. 

M.  B.  Gideon Ozark.  M.  E.  Shelton Poplar  Bluff. 

J.  L.  Davis Forsyth.  R.  -V.  Sparks  Benton. 

Fifteenth  District. 

T.  B.  Haughawout  Carthage.  T.  L.  Wills Lamar. 

G.  A.  Purdy  Peirce  City.  John  C.  Herms Neosho. 


MONTANA. 


DELEGATES. 

Thomas  H.  Carter Helena. 

Lee  Mantle '^u«e. 

Charles  S.  Hartman Bozeman. 

Thomas  C.  .Marshall Missoula. 

Alex.  Metzel Puller's  Springs- 

Jared  W  Stowell ..Miles  City. 

ALTERNATES. 

Tom  B.  Miller Helena. 

P.  R.  Dolman PH"®' 

O.  F.  Goddard lli"lW 

J.  M.  Sligh Phihpsburg. 

J.  B.  I^see Anaconda. 

J.  G.  Bair Choteau. 

191 


Republican  National  Convention. 
NEBRASKA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

John  L.  Webster Omaha. 

Thomas  P.  Kennard Lincoln. 

Peter  Jansen Jansen. 

George  H.  Thummel Grand  Island. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

0.  G,  Smith Kearney. 

L.  P.  Judd Cedar  Rapids. 

C.  B.  Dempster Beatrice. 

A.  C.  Wright Elmwood. 


DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

L.  L.  Lindsey Lincoln.  

H.  N.  Dovey Plattsmouth.  S.  P.  Davidson Tecumseh. 

Second  District. 

John  M.  Thurston Omaha.  James  Walsh Benson. 

John  C.  Cowin Omaha.  B.  F.  Monroe Blair. 

Tliird  District. 

John  T.  Bressler Wayne.  H.  C.  Baird Coleridge. 

John  C.  Martin Clarks.  C.  J.  Garlow Columbus. 

Fourth  District. 

F.  M.  Wetherald Hebron.  A.  Graham Beatrice. 

C.  B.  Anderson DeWitt.  G.  J.  Railback Ashland. 

Fifth  District. 

J.  P.  A.  Black Bloomington.  C.  H.  Beaumont Madrid. 

S.  W.  Christy Edgar.  J.  S.  Hoover Blue  Hill. 

Sixth  District. 

B.  H.  Goodell Kearney.  E.  J.  Davenport Valentine. 


E.  L.  Meyer Newport.  J.O.Taylor Broken  Bow. 


NEVADA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

A.  C.  Cleveland Cleveland. 

Enoch  Strother Virginia. 

J.  B.  Overton Virginia. 

C.  H.  Sproule Elko. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

S.  A.  D.  Glasscock Osceola. 

W.  S.  Bonnifield Winnemucca. 

C.  H.  Colburn Virginia. 

John  Torre Eureka. 


DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

W.  D.  Phillips Reno.  W.  W.  Williams Stillwater. 

Geo.   F.  Turrittin Reno.  P.  L.  Flannigan Reno. 

192 


Representative  Robert  K.  Hitt,  ok  Ili.inoi>. 


/•%::^:;-:V'::..:/A  .• 


Republican  National  Convention. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Stephen  S.  Jewett I.«conia. 

B.  F.  S.  Streeter '.'.'.'.Concord. 

Charles  T.  Means Manchester. 

James  A.  Wood Acworth. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Stephen  H.  Gale.. Exeter. 

Dexter  Richards Newport. 

Oscar  S.  Hatch Littleton. 

George  A.  Clark Manchester. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Charles  B.  Gafney Rochester.  John  W.  Rowe Brentwood. 

W.  D.  Sawyer Dover.  A.  C.  Kennett Conway. 

Second  District. 

John  A.  Spaulding Nashua.  Frank  P.  Maynard Claremont. 

John  H.  Brown Bristol.  Thomas  C.  Rand Keene. 


NEW  JERSEY. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

William  J.  Sewell  Camden. 

Garrett  A.  Hobart Paterson. 

Franklin  Murphy Newark. 

John  Keen Elizabeth. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

H.  C.  Loudenslager , Woodbury, 

Clarence  E.  Breckenridge Maywood. 

Charles  H.  Reed Pla'infield. 

Barker  Gummere Trenton. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Robert  E.  Hand Cape  May.  Frank  E.  Patterson Camden. 

George  Hires  Salem.  Charles  M.  Wilkins Wenona. 

Second  District. 

Frederick  W.  Roebling Trenton.  Henry  J.  Irick Vincentown. 

Alfred  M.  Bradshaw Lakewood.  George  Clinton Atlantic  City. 

Tliird  District. 

T.  Frank  Appleby Asbury  Park.  Charles  H.  Reed Plainfield. 

John  W.  Herbert,  Jr Helmetta.  Charles  Place Somerville. 

Fourtli  District. 

Stephen  K.  Large White  House.  Theo.  F.  Margenim Dickerson. 

A.  Blair  Kelsey Belvidere.  Geo.  W.  Stickles  Rockaway. 

Fiftli  District. 

Wm.  Barbour,  218 Church  St., New  York.  H.  W.  Spencer Passaic. 

Jos.  H.  Quackenbosh Paterson.  Wm.  Makensie Rutherford. 

Sixtti  District. 

John  Franklin  Fort Newark.  Frederick  Mock Newark. 

Charles  Bradley .Newark.  Frank  M.  Parker Newark. 

Seventfi  District. 

Samuel  D.  Dickinson Jersey  City.  Joseph  Giusta Hoboken. 

Thomas  McEwan,  Jr Jersey  City.  Thomas  Aldcom New  Durham. 

Eightti  District. 

Frank  Bergen Elizabeth.  Charles  J.  Fisk Plainfield. 

William  Riker,  Jr Orange.  Charles  W.  Fuller Jersey  City. 

193 


Republican  National  Convention. 


NEW  YORK. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Thomas  C.  Piatt New  York. 

Warner  Miller Herkimer. 

Chaiincey  M.  Depew New  York. 

Edward  Lauterbach New  York. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Hamilton  Fish Garrisons. 

Frank  S.  Weatherbee Port  Henry. 

C.  D.  Babcock Rochester. 

Daniel  H.  McMillan Buffalo. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

H.  C.  Johnson Astoria.  Augustus  Denton New  Hyde  Park. 

Walter  L.  Snydam Blue  Point.  Joseph  H.  Newins Riverhead. 

Second  District. 

Theodore  B.  Willis Brooklyn.  Denis  M.  Hurley Brooklyn. 

Geo.  H.  Roberts,  Jr Brooklyn.  Wni.  E.  Phillips Brooklyn. 

Third  District. 

Timothy  L.  Woodruff Brooklyn.  Jacob  Brenner ...Brooklyn. 

W.  B.  Atterby New  York.  Jas.  Lefferts Flatbush. 

Fourtli  District. 

Granville  W.  Harman  Brooklyn.  Fred.  E.  Shipman Brooklyn. 

Jos.  R.  Clark Brooklyn.  Jas.  P.  Connell Bath  Beach. 

•  Fifth  District. 

Fred.  W.  Wurster Brooklyn.  J.  P.  Milliken  Brooklyn. 

Ernest  J.  Kaltenbach Brooklyn.  Krank  Vogt Brooklyn. 

Sixth  District. 

Henry  C.  Saffen Brooklyn.  Jauies  F.  Bendernagle Brooklyn. 

George  W.  Palmer Brooklyn.  Jacob  Worth  Brooklyn. 

Seventh  District. 

Cornelius  Van  Cott New  York.  Frederick  Hadley New  York. 

Hugh  McRoberts Tompkinsville.  Frank  Foggin Port  Richmond. 

Eighth  District. 

Lispenard  Stewart New  York.  Simon  Gavin New  York. 

L.  L.  Van  Allen New  York.  John  Moran  New  York. 

Ninth  District. 

Charles  H.  Murray New  York.  Christian  Goetz New  York. 

J.  J.  Collins New  York.  Abraham  A.  Joseph New  York. 

Tenth  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Frederick  S.  Gibbs New  York.  Clarence  W.  Meade New  York. 

John  P.  Windolph New  York.  .Jos.  T.  Hackett New  York. 

Eleventh  District. 

Jacob  M.  Patterson New  York.  Conrad  C.  Wisserman New  York. 

George  Hillard  New  York.  Chas.  N.  Jerolman New  York. 

Twelfth  District. 

Cornelius  N.  Bliss  (>^  vote)..New  York.  P.  T.  Sherman New  York. 

S.  V.  R.  Kruger  (3^  vote) New  York.  Edward  Hardy New  York. 

Howard  Carroll  (3^  vote) New  York.  C.  A.  Simms New  York. 

Thurlow  Weed  Barnes  O^Tott) New  York.  Chas.  Eidlich. New  York. 

.      194 


Republican  National  Convention. 
NEW  YORK— Con/htued. 


Thirteenth  District. 

DELEGATES.  AI-TKRNATK8. 

William  Brookfield New  York.  T.  1".  K^ran New  Yorlc. 

Anson  G.  McCk)ok New  York.  Robert  Miller ..........New  York. 

Fourteenth  District. 

L.  E.  Quigg New  York.  Jastro  Alexander New  York. 

Abraham  Graber New  York.  Henry  R.  Hoyt New  York. 

Fifteenth  District. 

C.  H.  T.  Collis New  York.  Elias  Goodman New  York. 

Robert  J.  Wright New  York.  Geo.  H.  Sutton New  York. 

Sixteenth  District. 

Wm.  H.  Robertson Katonah.  Francis  M.  Carpenter Mt.  Kisco. 

John  G.  Peene Yonkers.  Frank  F.  .Miller Tarr>'town. 

Seventeenth  District. 

Benj.  B.  Odell,  Jr Newberg.  Arthur  S.  Thompkins Nvack. 

Thos.  W.  Bradley Waldon.  Jos.  M.  Dickey Newberg. 

Eighteenth  District. 

John  H.  Ketcham Dover  Plains.  L.  W.  Vail Poughkeepsie. 

S.  D.  Coykendall ..Rondout.  A.  T.  Clearwater Kingston. 

Nineteenth  District. 

Frank  S.  Black Troy.  John  A.  Quackenbush Stillwater. 

Louis  F.  Payne Chatham.  Perkins  F.  Cady Hudson. 

Twentieth  District. 

William  Barnes,  Jr Albany.  Jas.  H.  Mitchell Cohoes. 

Wm.  J.  Walker Albany.  Hiram  Griggs .\ltamont. 

Twenty -first  District. 

Edward  Ellis Schenectady.  Jacob  Snell Fonda. 

J.  LeRoy  Jacobs Cairo.  L.  W.  Baxter Cobleskill. 

Twenty-second  District. 

Wm.  L.  Proctor Ogdensburg.  Theo.  H.  Swift Potsdam- 

W.  W.  Worden Saratoga  Springs.  Jas.  P.  Arginsinger Johnstown- 

Twenty-third  District. 

Addison  B.  Colvin Glen  Falls.  Clayton  H.  Delano Ticonderoga. 

Thomas  A.  Sears Bombay.  David  F.  Dobie Plattsburgh. 

Twenty-fourth  District. 

John  T.  Mott Oswego.  V.  Lansing  Waters I^wville. 

D.  C.  Middleton  Watertown.  Edward  J.  Tallman LaFargeville. 

Twenty-fifth  District. 

Frederick  C.  Weaver Utica.  Thos.  Wheeler Utica. 

Albert  G.  Story Little  Falls.  B.  B.  Van  Dusen Ilion. 

Twenty-sixth  District. 

Frank  J.  Enz Ithaca.  Wesley  CiouKl Hancock. 

William  A.  Smyth Oswego.  George  E.  Greene Binghamton. 

Twenty-seventh  District. 

Frank  Hiscock Syracuse.  E.  F.  Blair Erieville. 

Francis  Hendricks Syracuse.  Jas.  Loyster Cazenovia. 

Twenty -eighth  District. 

Sereno  E.  Payne Auburn.  J.  Henry  Smith Penn  Yan. 

John  Raines Canandaigua.  Chas.  O.  Newton Homer. 

Twenty-ninth  District. 

John  F.  Parkhurst Bath.  Clias.  M.  Wootlward Watkins. 

Archie  E.  iBaxter Elmira.  Chas.  T.  Andrews Seneca  Falls. 

195 


Republican  National  Convention. 
NEW  YORK— Cotiihiued. 


Thirtieth  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Archie  D.  Sanders Stafford.  Eugene  Gary Niagara  Falls. 

Irving  M.  Thompson.. Albion.  Clarence  M.  Alford Livonia. 

Thirty-first  District. 

Geo.  W.  Aldridge Rochester.  Frank  P.  Higbie Chili  Station. 

Wm.  A.  Sutherland Rochester.  Anderson  Bowen Fairport. 

Thirty-second  District. 

John  R.  Hazel Buffalo.  Dennis  J.  Ryan Buffalo. 

John  Craft Buffalo.  Simon  Seibert Buffalo. 

Thirty-third  District. 

George  E.  Matthews Buffalo.  Wm.  L.  Marey Buffalo. 

Wesley  C.  Dudley Buffalo.  John  G.  Wallemeier Tonawanda. 

Thirty-fourth  District. 

N.  V.  V.  Franchot Glean.  E.  A.  Curtis Fredonia. 

Lester  V.  Stearns Dunkirk.  A.  Miner  Wellman Friendship. 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Peter  C.  Pritchard Marshal. 

James  E.  Boyd Greensboro. 

C.  M.  Bernard Greenville. 

George  H.  White Tarboro. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  Elwood  Cox Greensboro. 

C.  T.  Bailey Raleigh. 

W.  S.  Ho^n 

J.  E.  Bellinger Greensboro. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

J.  P.Butler Janesville.  H.  G.  Gussom Edenton. 

E.  C.  Duncan Beaufort.  Hugh  Cale Elizabeth  City. 

Second  District. 

J.  H.  Hannon Halifax.  

H.  L.  Grant Goldsboro.  

Third  District. 

A.  R.  Middleton Keenansville.  

C.  D.  Waddell Fayetteville 

Fourth  District. 

W.  H.  Martin Raleigh.  C.  K.  Spicer 

E.  A.  Johnson Raleigh.  John  N.  Williamson 

Fifth  District. 

J.  H.  Holt,  Jr.  (Resigned).  W.  H.  Crews,  Jr Oxford. 

W.  T.  O'Brian Durham 

Sixth  District. 
J.  W.  Mullen  {^  vote)  ....Huntersville.  ,.    at  r-  ,,,-,    •     . 

J.  B.  Dudley  {}i  vote) Wilmington.  ^-  ■^^'  ^'"^^^ Wilmington. 

R.  B.  Russell  (>^  vote) Maxton.  ,„       ,,  ,.  „  ^.      ,  ^^ 

J.  M.  Smith  (H  vote) Rockingham.  ^^'"-  ^^c^IuHen Charlotte. 

Seventh  District. 

James  H.  Ramsey Salisbury.  E.  D.  Stanford Yadkinville. 

C.  G.  Bailey Advance.  J.  T.  Cramer Thomasville. 

Eighth  District. 

M.  L.  Mott Wilkesboro.  W.  G.  Meadows Moravian  Falls. 

J.  B.  Fortune Shelby.  

Ninth  District. 

C.  J.  Harris Dillsboro.  

John  G.  Grant Hendersonville.  ......!!!...........!.......!..... 

196 


Republican  National  Convention. 
NORTH   DAKOTA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

C.  M.  Johnson Dwight. 

S.  T.  Satterthwaite ' Fargo. 

0.  S.  Hanson Ruxton. 

J.  M.  Devine La  Moare. 

Alex.  Hughes Bismarck. 

George  Bingenheimer Mandan. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Austin  King Forman. 

George  W.  Soliday New  Rockford. 

E.  H.  Kent. Lakota. 

M.  B.  Cassell Sherbrooke. 

H,  L.  Dickenson Dickenson. 

W.  A.  Caldwell Monango. 


OHIO. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Joseph  B.  Foraker Cincinnati. 

Asa  S.  Bushnell Springfield. 

Chas.  H.  Grosvenor Athens. 

Mark  A.  Hanna Cleveland. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Dr.  J.  E.  Lowes Dayton. 

Charles  Fleischman Cincinnati. 

John  N.  Taylor East  Liverpool. 

John  P.  Green Cleveland. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

George  B.  Cox Cincinnati.  M.  L.  Kruckemeyer Cincinnati. 

T.  W.  Graydon Cincinnati.  W.  B.  Shattuc Cincinnati. 

Second  District. 

John  A.  Caldwell Cincinnati.  Colonel  C.  B.  Wing Cincinnati. 

Andrew  Hickenlooper Cincinnati.  Colonel  L.  Markbreit Cincinnati. 

Third  District. 

Robert  Wilson Middletown.  E.  B.  Weston Dayton. 

Wm.  E,  Grume Dayton.  W.  S.  Fornshell Camden. 

Fourth  District. 

George  B.  Davis Wapakoneta.  W.  H.  Phipps Paulding. 

J.  I.  Allread Greenville.  J.  W.  Williams Bryan. 

Fifth  District. 

John  M.  Sheets Ottawa.  J.  P.  Dysert Rockford. 

M.  E.  Loose Napoleon.  R.  R.  Mede Anna. 

Sixth  District. 

W.  B.  Harrison Xenia.  (ieorge  P.  Dunham Wilmington. 

E.  J.  West Wilmington.  Horace  L.  Smith Xenia. 

Seventh  District. 

George  W.  Wilson  (M.  C.) London.  T.  B.  Kyle Troy. 

Howard  Johns Circleville.  John  H.  Van  Dema8..VVa8hington  C.  H. 

Eighth  District. 

G.  H.  Eichelberger Urbana.  W.  T.  Hoopes Marj-sville. 

J.  C.  Howe Kenton.  J.  C.  Brand,  Jr BellefonUine. 

197 


Republican  National  Convention, 
OHIO— CofiitJiited. 


Ninth  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Geo.  H.  Ketchum :.. Toledo.  Robinson  Locke Toledo. 

J.  M.  Longnecker Waiiseon.  Luther  Black Bowling  Green. 

Tenth  District. 

A.  C.  Thompson Portsmouth.  H.  S.  Willard Wellston. 

J.  K.  Richards Ironton.  S.  H.  Eagle Gallipolis. 

Eleventh  District. 

D.  Massie Chillicothe.  Samuel  W.  Pascoe New  Lexington. 

Jeremiah  Carpenter Carpenter.  Charles  A.  Cable Nelsonville. 

Twelfth  District. 

Chas.  L.  Kurtz Columbus. 

Henry  C.  Taylor Columbus.  

Thirteenth  District. 

Linn  W.  Hull Sandusky.  P.  Cuneo Upper  Sandusky. 

George  D.  Copeland Fremont.  T.  D.  Campbell Fostoria. 

Fourteenth  District. 

Arthur  L.  Garford Elyria.  W.  C.  Cooper Mt.  Vernon. 

Jacob  Cohn Ashland.  W.  S.  Cappellar MansHeld. 

Fifteenth  District. 

James  R.  Barr Cambridge.  E.  M.  Stanbery McConnelsville. 

David  Miller Caldwell.  W.  B.  Gaitree Marietta. 

Sixteenth  District. 

J.  J.  Gill Steubenville.  Thomas  B.  Rouse Woodsville. 

David  Cunningham ..Cadiz.  Wm.  A.  Hunt St.  Clairsville. 

Seventeenth  District. 

G.  A.  Hay Coshocton.  A.  B.  Critchfield Millersburg. 

W.  H.  Stout Uriciisville.  J,  H.  Kauke Millersburg. 

Eighteenth  District. 

Caleb  B.  Wick Youngstown.  Myron  A.  Norris Youngstown. 

W.  A.  Smith East  Liverpool.  James  J.  Grant Canton. 

Nineteenth  District. 

Frank  Hutchins Warren.  J.  N.  Thomas Niles. 

Chatles  Dick Akron.  S.  P.  Waicott Kent. 

Twentieth  District. 

Andrew  Squire Cleveland.  C.  F.  Leech Cleveland. 

Robert  McDowell Cleveland.  C.  W.  Osborne Cleveland. 

Twenty-first  District. 

Myron  T.  Herrick Cleveland.  Louis  J.  Rowbottom Cleveland. 

Sylvester  T.  Everett Cleveland.  J.  E.  Benson Cleveland. 


OREGON. 


DELEG.\TES  AT  L.VRGE. 

R.  A.  Booth Grant's  Pass. 

Charles  Hilton The  Dalles. 

John  W.  Meldrum Oregon  City. 

C.  H.  Dodd Portland. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

George  A.  Steel Portland. 

Max  Pracht Ashland. 

J.  M.  VanDuyn Dallas. 

M.  C.  Harrison Portland. 

198 


Republican  National  Convention. 

OREGOy:—Co>i/i>ii(cd. 

DISTRICT  DKLEOATKS. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTKRKATn. 

J.  F.  Cftlbreath McMinnville.  

R.  S.  Moore Linkville.  


Second  District. 

Wallace  McCamant Portland.  J.  IJourne.  Jr Portland. 

Charles  AV.  Parrish Canyon  City.  Fred.  \V.  Hendley  Pendleton. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


DELEGATES   AT   LARGE. 

Daniel  H.  Hastings Harrisburg. 

James  Elverson Philadelphia. 

Francis  J.  Torrance Pittsburg. 

James  S.  Beacom Greensburg. 

T.  L.  Flood Meadville. 

Joseph  Bosler Ogontz. 

W.  W.  Griest Lancaster. 

F.  H.  Barker Ebensburg. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Chas.  A.  Minor Wilkes-Barre. 

Bois  Penrose Philadelphia. 

Arthur  Kennedy .\llegheny. 

S.  J.  McCarrell Harrisburg. 

Frank  E.  Hollar Carlisle. 

Chas.  Miller Franklin. 

James  B.  Raymond .\itoona. 

Chas.  M.  Plank Reading. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTEBNATKS. 

Edwin  S.  Stuart Philadelphia.  Penrose  A.  McClain .Philadelphia. 

Israel  W.  Durham Philadelphia.  H.  H.  Bingham Philadelphia. 

Second  District. 

David  H.  Lane Philadelphia.  Frank  ]SI.  Riter Pliiladelphia. 

Jacob  Wildemore Philadelphia.  Wm.  B.  Ahern Philadelphia. 

(Hamilton  Disston,  deceased.) 

Tliird  District. 

Joseph  S.Klemmer(>^vote)Philadelphia.  David  S.  .«cott Philadelphia. 

Jas.  B.  Anderson  (>^  vote)Philadelphia.  W.  L.  Smith Philadelphia. 

Henry  Clay Philadelphia.  Harry  Hunter Philadelphia. 

Elhvood  Becker Philadelphia.  John' Hunter Philadelphia. 

Fourth  District. 

Alex.  Grow,  Jr Philadeli)liia.  A.  Lincoln  .\cker Philadelphia. 

Edward  W.  Patton Philadelphia.  A.  S.  L.  Shields i^iiiMpkia  (Cmmmmti). 

Fifth  District. 

David  Martin Philadelphia.  Tiios.  J.  Powers Philadelphia. 

H.  B.  Hackett Philadelphia.  Harlan  Page Philadelphia. 

Sixth  District. 

Smedley  Darlington West  Chester.  Thos.  C.  Speakman Honey  Brook. 

Thos.  J.  Clayton Thurlow.  Wesley  S.  McDowell Cheater. 

199 


Republican  National  Convention. 
PENNSYLVANIA— G7«//«7^^flr. 


.     Seventh  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTEKNATES. 

Jaa.  B.  Holland Norristown.  I.  R.  Halderman Harleysville. 

Hugh  B.  Eastman Doylesville.  Henry  G.  Moyer Perkasie. 

Eiifhth  District. 

Frank  Reeder Easton.  Thos.  C.  Walton Stroudsbure. 

J.  M.  Driesbach Mauch  Chunk.  Chester  A.  Pellet Milford. 

Nintli  District. 

Edward  M.  Young AUentown.  Llewellvn  Williams Slatington. 

A.  M.  High Reading.  H.  S.  Bard Reading. 

Tentti  District. 

H.  Burd  Cassell Marietta.  J.  Pranois  Dunlop Manheim. 

J.  Gust  Zook Lancaster.  Day  Wood Goshen. 

Eleventii  District. 

Wm.  Connell Scranton.  Conrad  Schroder Scranton. 

John  T.  Williams Scranton.  Jas.  J.  Williams Archbald. 

Twelfth  District. 

John  Leisenring Upper  Lehigh.  Chas.  L.Wilde Hazelton, 

M.  R.  Morgans Wilkes-Barre.  Lewis  Landmesser Wilkes-Barre. 

Thirteenth  District. 

John  F.  Finney Pottsville.  S.  B.  Edwards Pottsville. 

Jos.  D.  McConnell Ashland.  John  I.  Matthias Mahanoy  City. 

Fourteenth  District. 

Lucien  E.  Weimer Lebanon.  Alfred  R.  Houck Lebanon. 

W.  Mifflin  Smith Markleviile.  S.  S.  Willard New  Bloomfleld. 

Fifteenth  District. 

C.  F.  Wright Susquehanna.  Frank  G.  Sairs Athens. 

E.  B.  Hardenburgh Honesdale.  Morris  Sheppard Towanda. 

Sixteenth  District. 

Henry  J.  Landrus Wellsboro.  G.  S.  Horton Williamsport. 

John  S.  Meyers Lock  Haven.  Milton  J.  Potter Coudersport. 

Seventeenth  District. 

Wm.  B.Faust Mt.  Carmel.  Fred.  P.  Vincent Dushore. 

U.  Y.  James Danville.  William  Buck Centralia. 

Eighteenth  District. 

John  A.  Seiders Chambersburg.  Howard  O.  Lantz Lewistown. 

Jere  B.  Rox Huntington.  A.  M.  Aurand Beaver  Falls. 

Nineteenth  District. 

Chas.  H.  Mullin Mt.  Holly  Springs.  Harry  A.  Bechtold New  Freedom. 

Samuel  L.  Johns McSherrystown.  George  D.  Thorn Gettysburg. 

Twentieth  District. 

George  R.  Scull Somerset.  James  McMillen Johnstown. 

George  T.  Bell Hollidaysburg.  

Twenty-first  District. 

John  P.  Elkin Indiana.  S.  E.  Wilson Punxsutawney. 

Capt.  H.  S.  Denny Ligonier.  Joseph  Beale Leechburg. 

Twenty -second  District. 

C.  L.  Magee Pittsburg.  J.  O.  Brown Pittsburg. 

William  Flynn Pittsburg.  A.  J.  Edwards Pittsburg. 

Twenty -third  District. 

W.  A.  Stone ?Allegheny.  Robert  McCready Sewickley. 

Robert  McAfee Allegheny.  James  M.  Essler Tarentum. 

200 


Henry  Clay  Evans,  of  Te.nnk-->kk  ' 


Republican  National  Convention. 
PENNSYLVANIA— rtf;///««^£/. 


Twenty-fourth  District. 

DKLEGATE8.  ALTERNATES. 

Chas.  H.Seaton Uniontown.  Frank  M.  Fuller Uniontown. 

E.  F.  Acheson  (H.  of  R.) •••Washington.  John  K.  Byrne Scottdale. 

Twenty-fiftli  District. 

M.  S.  Quay Beaver.  Samuel  H.  Miller Mercer. 

Simon  Perkins Sharon.  Wni.  D.  Wallace Newcastle. 

Twenty-sixth  District. 

Wm.  H.  Andrews Titusville.  E.  A.  Hempstead Meadville. 

Lewis  Streuber Erie.  W.  W.  Morgaridgre  (Corry)..Harri8burg. 

Twenty-seventh  District. 

A.  C.  Hawkins Bradford.  T.  R.  Simpson Oil  City. 

S.  C.  Lewis Franklin.  W.  H.  Howard Emporium. 

Twenty-eighth  District. 

Harry  R.  "Wilson Clarion.  A.  H.  Woo<lward Clearfield. 

J.  H.  McEwan Ridgway.  S.  S.  Crissman I'hilipsburg. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Edward  L.  Freeman Central  Falls. 

Frank  F.  Olnev  Providence. 

Sam'l  W.  K.  A'llen East  Greenwich. 

Albert  L.  Chester Westerly. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Andrew  J.  Carrie Valley  Falls. 

Lucian  Sharpe Providence. 

Walter  H.  Stearns Pawtuoket. 

Charles  H.  Child Providence. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

John  P.  Sanborn Newport.  Reginald  Norman  Newport. 

George  L.  Smith Barrington.  Charles  H.  Howland Providence. 

Second  District. 

Walter  A.  Read Chepachet.  James  Linton Pawtucket. 

E.  Charles  Francis Woonsocket.  John  R.  Dennis Central  Falls. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Eugene  A.  Webster Orangeburg. 

Robert  Smalls  (colored) Beaufort. 

T.  B.  Johnson ^"/"^f-. 

W.  D.  Crum  (colored) Charleston. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

E.  J.  Dickerson  (colored) Aiken. 

John  R.  Tolbert ^»^"'^o<?||- 

Thomas  E.  Miller  (colored) • Grahamville. 

P.  S.  Suber  (colored) Laurens. 

201 


Republican  National  Convention. 
SOUTH  QXV.Ohl^ A— Continued. 


DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

George  I.  Cunningham Charleston.  T.  J.  Reynolds  (colored) Beaufort. 

R.  C.  Brown  (colored) Charleston.  D.  \V.  Robinson  (colored). .Jacksonboro. 

Second  District. 

B.  P.  Chatfield Aiken.  Paris  Simpkins  (colored) Edgefield. 

W.  8.  Dixon  (colored) Barnwell.  John  A.  Daniels  (colored) Fruit  Hill. 

Tliird  District. 

Robert  Moorman Newberrv.  A.  C.  Merrick Walhalla. 

R.  R.  Tolbert Greenwooil.  W.  W.  Fisher  (colored) Mt.  Carmel. 

Fourth  District. 

C.  M.  Wilder  (colored) Columbia.  W.  D.  Chappelle  (colored) Columbia. 

Thomas  H.  Ollis Greenville.  J.  C.  Hill  (colored) Greenville. 

Fifth  District. 

C.  J.  Pride Rock  Hill.  F.  R.  Massey  (colored) Lancaster. 

W.  E.  Boykin  (colored) Camden.  E.  D.  Littlejohn  (colored) Gaffney. 

Sixth  District. 

J.  E.  Wilson  (colored) Florence.  E.  J.  Sawyer  (colored). ...Bennettsville. 

E.  H.  Dees  (colored)  Darlington.  W.  R.  Jackson  (colored) Florence. 

Seventh  District. 

J.  H.  Fordhiim  (colored). ..Orangeburg.            R.  H.  Jenkins  (colored). ..Lincolnville. 
Z.  E.  Walker  (colored) Sumter.  J.  H.  Weston  (colored) Congaree. 


SOUTH  DAKOTA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

L.  B.  French Yankton. 

R.  F.  Pettigrew  Sioux  Falls. 

C.  G.   Sherwood Clark. 

D.  A.  Mizener Mitchell. 

David  Williams Webster. 

H.  C.  Meachan Gettysburg. 

W.  V.  Lucas Hot  Springs. 

W.  E.  Smead Lead  City. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  E.  Tomlinson ..Centreville. 

A.  C.  Biernatzki Salem. 

L.  L.  Ix)stutter Iroquois. 

C.  L.  Olson Howard. 

C.  E.  Bostwick Redfield. 

J.  H.  Baldwin St.  Lawrence. 

M.  A.  Willis Custer. 

C.  C.  Polk Sturgis. 


TENNESSEE. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

H.  Clay  Evans Chattanooga. 

E.  Caldwell Shelbyville. 

James  Jeffreys Camden. 

E.  J.  Sanford Knoxville. 

202 


Republican  National  Convention. 

TENNESSEE— r^////;///.v/. 


•     ALTERNATES  AT  LAR(JE. 

Hiram  Tyree Chattanooga. 

John  P.  Smith Johnson  City. 

J.  T.  Settle Memphis. 

Allen  S.  Tate Rutletlge. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATED. 

.W.  P.  Brownlow Jonesboro.  W.  II.  Penland Newport. 

H.  C.  Jarvis Rogersvllle.  R.  E.  Toomey Greenville. 

Second  District. 

Jesse  L.  Rogers Knoxville.  T.  N.  Brown Man'ville. 

J.  F.  Baker  Huntsville.  W.  (J.  Douglass Jellico. 

Tliird  District. 

Foster  V.  Brown Chattanooga.  .\.  H.  Faulkner McMinnville. 

T.  Si.  Burkett Alliens.  Gus  Cate Cleveland. 

Fourtli  District. 

J.  M.  Proctor Crossville.  J.  R.  Story Jamestown. 

W.  H.  Pickering Carthage.  John  A.  Denton Dayton. 

Fiftti  District. 

J,  W.  Overall Liberty.  H.   Henley Tullahoma. 

R.  L.  Couch Belle  Buckle.  Warren  Smith  Woodbury. 

Sixtli  District. 

J.  B.  Bosley Nashville.  J.  W.  Dillon Nashville. 

H.  L.  W.  Cheatham Barren  Plain.  R.  F.  Boyd Nashville. 

Seventh  District. 

R,  A.  Haggard Waynesboro.  J.  B.  Lilly,  Jr Franklin. 

H.  F.  Fariss Columbia.  J.  P.  Kidd Henryville. 

Eiglitli  District. 

Wm.  Spellings McKenzie.  D.  W.  Nobles Paris. 

G.  T.  Shannon Saltillo.  J.  Wesson Adamaville. 

Nintli  District. 

D.  A.  Nunn Brownsville.  R.  F.  Hawn Milan. 

Henry  E.  Austin Alamo.  B.  P.  Bondurant Sharon. 

Tentli  District. 

W.  M.  Randolph Memphis.  W.  S.  Latta Soraerville. 

Zachary  Taylor Memphis.  J.  S.  Randle Covington. 


TEXAS. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

John  Grant Sherman. 

Frank  Hamilton Austin. 

R.L.Smith *.^*'^'T'l. 

W.  E.  Davis ^^^^  ^^orUl. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 

First  District. 


DELEGATES. 


ALTERNATES. 


David  Taylor  (colored)..' Navasota.  Samuel  Andrews.. S*^^^®,j' 

M.  W.  Lawson  (colored) Willis.  William  F.  knowlea Fairfield. 


203 


Republican  National  Convention. 
TEX  AS—  Ow  tin  ued. 


Second  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTEBNATE8. 

H.  B.  Kane Palestine.  Thomas  Miller Lufkin. 

T.  T.  Pollard Beaumont.  C.  A.  Porter Colmesneil. 

Third  District. 

Webster  Flanagan Henderson.  W.  A.  Lucy Longview. 

J.  W.  Butler Tj'ler.  James  Latham Athens. 

Fourtli  District. 

C.  M.  Ferguson .' Paris.  Luke  Bills Clarksville. 

H.  G.  Goree Atlanta.  S.  J.  Spencer Texarkana. 

Fifth  District. 

Cecil  A.  Lyon Sherman.  H.  E.  Smith McKinney. 

William  Johnson Bonham.  George  W.  Johnson Sherman. 

Sixth  District. 

J.  M.  McCormick Dallas.  David  Lowry Ennis. 

Robert  Armstrong  (colored)... Kaufman.  H.  M.  Johnson Hillsboro. 

Seventh  District. 

W.  F.  Crawford Cameron.  A.  M.  Armstrong Crawford. 

B.  F.  Wallace  (colored) Temple.  W.  H.  Hawley Belton. 

Eighth  District. 

Marion  Mullins Brownwood.  George  C.  McAndrew Granbury. 

W.  J.  Wasson Dublin.  Horace  Baker Weatherford. 

Ninth  District. 

Hugh  Hancock Austin.  L.  L.  Campbell Bastrop. 

Paul  Fricke Brenham.  W.  E.  Dunger Caldwell. 

Tenth  District. 

R.  B.  Hawley Galveston.  James  Bankey Gonzales. 

M.  M.  Rogers La  Grange.  Thomas  Wheatley Matagorda. 

Eleventh  District. 

David  Abner Seguin.  

R.  B.  Rentfro  Brownsville.  

Twelfth  District. 

C.  W.  Ogden San  Antonio.  

Joseph  Tweedy Knickerbocker.  

Thirteenth  District. 

Patrick  Dooling Quanah.  

O.  T.  Bacon Wichita  Falls. 


UTAH. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Frank  J.  Cannon Ogden  City. 

Isaac  Truuibo Salt  Lake  City. 

Arthur  Brown Salt  Lake  City. 

Thomas  Kearns Park  City. 

Clarence  E.  Allen  — Salt  Lake  City. 

William  S.  McCornick Salt  Lake  City. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

Lindsey  Rogers Ogden  City. 

C.  C.  Goodwin Salt  Lake  City. 

John  C.  Graham Provo  City. 

J.  M.  Bolitho Richfield. 

Web  Greene Mt.  Pleasant. 

Joseph  A.  Smith Logan  City. 

204 


Republican  National  Convention 
VERMONT. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Redfield  Proctor Proctor. 

Henry  D.  Holton Brattleboro. 

E.  C.  Smith St.  Albans. 

Charles  A.  Prouty New|>ort. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

P..  K.  Gleed Morrisville. 

James  M.  Pollard Chester. 

M.  H.  Allen Ferrisburjf. 

L.  W.  Hubbard Lyndon. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELROATES.  ALTERNATK8. 

James  B.  Scully Burlington.  L.  C.  Leavens Richford. 

0.  M.  Barber Arlington.  H.  S.  Bingham Bennington. 

Second  District. 

J.  W.  Brock Montpelier.  George  H.  Blake Barton. 

Victor  I.  Spear Braintree.  E.  O.  Leonard Bradford. 


VIRGINIA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LAHGE. 

"Wm.  Lamb Norfolk. 

James  A.  Walker Wvtheville. 

S.  M.Yost Staunton. 

A.  W.  Harris  ; Petersburg, 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  M.  Flanagan Powhatan  C.  H. 

J.  S.  Sammons Charlottesville. 

M.  M.  Lewis Norfolk. 

Washington  Gardiner Bedford  City. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Geo.  T.  Scarburg Accomack  C.  H.  J.  M.  Griffin Fredericksburg. 

T.  C.  Walker Gloucester  C.  H.  W.  A.  Laws Montrosa. 

Second  District. 

George  E.  Bowden  {^  vote)  Norfolk.  Jno.  Y.  Brady  Portsmouth. 

R.  M.  Smith  (3^  vote) Hampton.  Wm.  Thoroughgood Norfolk. 

A.  H.  Martin  {}4  vote) Berkley.  Jordon  Thompson  Suffolk. 

Harry  Libbey  (>^  vote)  Fortress  Monroe.  Robert  Norton Yorktown. 

Tliird  District. 

Edmund  Waddell Richmond.  Kdgar  Allen Richmond. 

C.  W.  Harris Manchester.  R.  F.  Robinson  lk)thwell. 

Fourth  District. 

Stith  Balling Petersburg.  W.  H.  Green Lawrenceville. 

J.  D.  Brady Petersburg.  diaries  Gee Disputanta. 

Fifth  District. 

C  J   Barksdale Danville.  W.  B.  Brown Rocky  Mount. 

G.  M.  Tucker Hillsville.  W.  B.  Pedigo Stuart. 

Sixth  District. 

J   M.  McLaughlin Lynchburg.  Adolphus  Humbles Lvnchburg. 

S.  £.  Sproul Roanoke.  F.  K.  Morris Bedford  City. 

205 


Republican  National  Convention. 
VI RGI NI  A— G7////V/  tied. 


Seventh  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

John  Acker Harrisonburg.  Alex.  McCormick Briggs. 

J.  H.  Rives University  of  Virginia.  R.  E.  Griffith Winchester. 

Eightti  District. 

W.  G.  B.  Shumate Galveston.  W.  H.  A.  Young King  George  C.  H. 

H.  J.  Wale Louisa.  R.L.Mitchell Alexandria. 

Ninth  District. 

J.  S.  Browning Pocahontas.  W.  P.  Kent Wytheville. 

D.  F.  Bailey Bristol,  Tenn.  R.  W.  Dickinson   Lebanon. 

Tenth  District. 

J.  C.  Scheffer Staunton.  Willis  Carter: Staunton. 

R.  T.  Hubard Boiling.  A.  Stuart James  River. 


WASHINGTON. 

DELEG.ITES  AT  LARGE. 

A.  F.  Burleigh Seattle. 

H.  A.  Fairchild Whatcom. 

George  H.  Emerson Aberdeen. 

L.  W.  Garner Castle  Rock. 

J.  M.  Gilbert  ...» North  Yakima. 

Albert  Goldman Walla  Walla. 

Harry  L.  Wilson Spokane. 

P.  C.  Sullivan Tacoma. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  K.  Kennedy Ritzville. 

Henry  Christ Vancouver. 

Thomas  ^L  May Dayton. 

M.  P.  Afaloy Waterville. 

W.  F.  P.  Speck Pasco. 

E.  L.  Brown Sidney. 

F.  M.  Winship Davenport. 

H.  McLain Colfax. 


WEST  VIRGINIA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

0.  W.  O.  Hardman Middlebourne. 

F.  M.  Reynolds Keyser. 

J.  E.  Dana Charleston. 

A.  B.  White Parkersburg. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

1.  H.  Duval Wellsburg. 

F.  M.  Thomas Grafton. 

John  L.  Hurst Buckhannon. 

George  Poffenbarger Point  Pleasant. 

DISTRICT  DELEGATES. 
First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Henry  Schmulbach W^heeling.  W.  P.  Crump Weston. 

D.  W.  Boughner Clarksburg.  J.  W.  Stuck West  Union. 

206 


Republican  National  Convkntion. 
WEST  VI RG I N I  A— C;>;///;/  ucd. 


Second  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

N.  W.  Linch Martinsburg.  E.  A.  Billinpslea Faimiont. 

Thomas  B.  Gould Parsons.  W.  U.  Wenz Fbillippi. 

Third  District. 

Thomas  E.  Houston Elk  Horn.  IVter  Sillman Charleston. 

J.  B.  Crawford Sewell.  Wallace  Balianl Union. 

Fourth  District. 

Thomas  G.  Sikes • Huntington.  Edward  McCreary Parkersburg. 

C.  F.  Rathbone Elizabeth.  E.  J.  Thomas Cottageville. 


WISCONSIN. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

Philetus  Sawyer Oshkosh. 

W.  D.  Hoard K„rt  Atkinson. 

Eugene  S.  Elliott  Milwaukee. 

James  H.  Stout Menomonie. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

H.  D.  Smith .AppletOD. 

W.  F.  Heine Shullsburg. 

James  R.  Lyons (ilendale. 

W.  E.  Plummer Durand. 

D I STR I CT  1)1-:  L  KG  ATES. 

First  District. 

DELEGATES.  ALTERNATES. 

Cbam  Ingersoll Beloit.  N.  B.  Treat Monroe. 

E.  M.  Johnson Whitewater.  Sam'l  1.  Stein Belmont. 

Second  District. 

Robert  M.  LaFollette Madison.  S.  INL  Eaton Watertown. 

Chris.  E.  Mohr Portage.  C.J.  Rollis Stoughton. 

Third  District. 

Richard  Meyer,  Jr Lancaster.  August  Siefert Reedsburg. 

J.  W.  Rewey Rewey.  L.  H.  Bancroft Hichland  Center. 

Fourth  District. 

William  Gender Milwaukee.  K.  J.  Lindsey Milwaukee. 

Julius  E.  Roehr Milwaukee.  William  Graf Milwaukee. 

Fifth  District. 

Theodore  Zillmer Milwaukee.  D.  E.  Mc(iinley Cedarsburg. 

H.  M.  Youmans Waukesha.  George  .'^pratt Sheboygan  Falls. 

Sixth  District. 

L.  N.  Stevens Montelio.  *(ieorge  Fitch 

G.  G.  Sedgwick Manitowoc.  J.  H.  .McNeel  Fond  du  Lac. 

Seventh  District. 

David  F.  Jones Sparta.  W.  H.  Huntington  Durand. 

H.  B.  Cole Black  River  Falls.  Albert    Kirchner Fountain  City. 

Eighth  District. 

MavnardT.  Parker Ahnapee.  K.  D.  K<>o«i Stevens  Point. 

A.  G.  Nelson  Waupaca.  (.'has.  H.  Baake Appleton. 

Ninth  District. 

H.W.Wright Merrill.  Duncan  McLennon Rib  I^ke. 

M.  C.  Ring Neillsviile.  John  Ugden Antigo. 

Tenth  District. 

Ole  K.  Anderson West  Superior.  Simon  Thoreson Gransburg. 

Charles  S.  Taylor Barron.  Olaf  A.  Sagstad Baldwin. 

•  George  Fitch  died  March  30th. 

207 


Republican  National  Convention. 
WYOMING. 


DELEGATES. 

Willis  VanDevanter Cheyenne. 

Benjamin  F.  Fowler Cheyenne. 

John  C.  Davis Rawlins. 

B.  B.  Brooks Caaper. 

Clarence  C.  Hamlin Rock  Spring. 

Otto  Gramm u> Laramie. 

ALTERNATES. 

H.  G.  Nickerson  Lander. 

W.  H.  Thorn Buffalo. 

M.C.  Barrow Douglas. 

W.  H.  Kilpatrick Newcastle. 

J.  H.  Ryckman Evanston. 

W.  F.  Brittain  Sheridan. 


TERRITORIES,  ETC. 


AhABMJi:. 


DELEGATES. 

C.  S.  Johnson  (>^  vote) Juneau. 

Thomas  S.  Nowell  (,'2  vote) ; Juneau. 

C.  W.  Young  (>^  vote) Juneau. 

Thomas  Blackett  {^  vote) Juneau. 

ALTERNATES. 

Theodore  Needham Wrangel. 

W.  R.  Kelly.. Sitka. 

Harrison  Bostwick Juneau. 

A.  C.  Van  Doren Juneau. 


ARIZONA. 


DELEGATES. 

Henry  J.  Cleveland  (>^  vote) Arizola. 

James  M.  Ford  (Jo  vote)  Phoenix. 

Charles  W.  Wright  {}i  vote) Tucson. 

Charles  H.  Akers  (3^  vote)   Prescott. 

John  W,  Dovington  (3-2  vote)  Yuma. 

Myron  H.  McCord  (3i8  vote) Phoenix. 

William  Christy  O2  vote) Phoenix. 

J.  T.  Stoddard  Oa  vote) ..Prescott. 

Burt  Dnnlap  Os  vote) Dunlap. 

Ralph  H.  Cameron  {}4  vote) Flagstaff. 

J.  L.  Mahoney.  (>^  vote) Winslow. 

J.  A.  Zabriskie  (>^  vote)  Tucson. 

208 


Gen.  Edwin  A.  McAlimne.  ok  New  York,  President  Republican 
National  League. 


Republican  National  Convention. 
ARIZONA—  Cofi  tin  ued. 


ALTERNATES. 

W.  S.  Head PwMOtt. 

R.  C.  Lowell Phoenix. 

George  Christ,  Jr Nogftlei. 

F.  D.  Myers Presoott. 

J.  W.  Bolton  (colored)  Phoenix. 

William  Shilliam Benson! 

J.  H.  Carpenter  Yuma. 

Henry  J.  Cleveland Arizola. 

J.  L.  Hubbell Holbrook. 

A.    L.  Grow „.Tomb8tone. 

F.  L.  Smith Kinorman. 

W.  A.  Freeze  Phoenix. 


DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 


DELEGATES. 

Andrew  Gleeson Washington. 

Perry  H.  Carson Ivy  City. 

ALTERNATES. 

W.  F.  Thomas  Washington. 

J.  W.  Bell Washington. 


INDIAN  TERRITORY. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

P.  L.  Soaper  Vlnita. 

R.  B.  Ross Tahleqoah. 

Joseph  Foltz South  McAlester. 

I.  P.  Grady t Hartahome. 

W.  T.  Morgan Wagoner. 

John  Coyle Rush  Springs. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

W.  H.  Darrow Wyandotte. 

E.  W.  Fannan Sooth  McAleeter. 

J.  H.  Wilkins Atoka. 

Cyrus  B.  Kean Wynnewood. 

W.  F.  Seaver Muscogee. 

William  Johnston Bartlettsville. 

209 


Republican  National  Convention. 
NEW  MEXICO. 


DELEGATES. 

A.  L.  Morrison Santa  Fe. 

John  S.  Clarke Las  Vegas. 

Thomas  D.  Burns Tierra  Amorilla. 

Pedro  Perea Bernalillo. 

Solomon  Luna Las  Lunas. 

W.  H.  H.  Llewellyan Las  Cruces. 

ALTERNATES. 

Phillip  Mothersill Engle. 

Charles  II.  Sparks Roswell.. 

Frank  Springer Las  Vegas. 

John  S.  Van  Doren....^. Blue  Water. 

W.  S.  Williams Socorro. 

Celso  Baca Eden.. 


OKLAHOMA. 


DELEGATES  AT  LARGE. 

John  I.  Dille : El  Reno.. 

Henry  E.  Asp Guthrie. 

J.  C.  Roberts Kingfisher. 

John    A.  Buckles Enid. 

O.  A.  Mitscher , Oklahoma  City. 

Charles  Day Blackwell. 

ALTERNATES  AT  LARGE. 

J.  D.  McGuire Norman. 

T.  B.  Ferguson Watonga. 

Dick  T.  Morgan Perry.. 

Dyke  Ballenger Beaver.. 

T.  A.  Butler Seger- 

T.  J.  Austin Guthrie- 


210 


Appendix. 


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Adams 

las  Jefferson  .  .  . 
s  Madison  .... 
s  Monroe 

Quincy  Adams  .  . 
cw  Jackson  .... 
in  Van  Buren  .  .  . 
am   H.    Harrison     . 

Tvler  •-' 

s  k.  Polk 

ary  Taylor  .... 
ml  I'illmore  .  .  . 
klin  PiL-rce  .... 
s  Buchanan  .... 
liam  Lincoln  .  .  . 
ew  Johnson  •"'... 
ses  S.  (>rant  .  .  . 
crfonl    B.   Hayes    . 

s  A.  (^.arfield  .  .  . 
ter  A.  Arthur  .  .  . 
er  Cleveland  ,  .  . 
amin  Harri.son  .  . 
er  Cleveland    .    .    . 

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211 


Appendix, 
presidents  pro  tempore  of  the  senate. 


Con- 
gress. 


Year. 


Namb. 


R^IDENCH. 


Party. 


Bom.  Died. 


1-2 

2» 
2-3 

3 
3-4 

4 
4-5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

6 

6 

6 

6 

7 

7 

8 

8 

8 
9-10 

10 
10-11 

11 

11 
11-12 
12-13 

13 
13-15 
15-16 
16-19 
19-20 
20-22 

22 
22-23 

23 

24 
24-26 
26-27 
27-29 
29-30 
31-32 
32-33 
33-34 

34 
35-36 
36-38 

38 

39 

40 
41-42 

43 
44-45 

46 

47 

47 

48 

49 
49-51 

52 
53-54 

54 


1789-92  jJohnLangdon  .   .    . 

1792       Richard  Henry  Lee 
1792-94  |john  Laiigdon  .   .    . 
1794-95  IRalpli  Izard 
1795-96 
17%-97 

1797 

1797 
1797-98 

1798 
1798-99 

1799 
1799-1800 

1800 


Henry  Tazewell  .    .    . 

Samuel  Livermore  .   . 

William  Hinghani   .    . 

William  Bradford   .    . 

Jacob  Read 

Theo.  Sedjjwick  .    .    . 

John  Lawrence    .   .    . 

James  Ross 

Samuel  Livermore  .   . 

Uriah  Tracv 

1800-01  ;john  E.  Howard    .    . 

1801       James   Ilillhouse     .    . 

1801-02    .\I)raham  Baldwin  .    . 

1802-03    Stephen  R.   Bradlev  . 

1803-04   John  Brown  ....'. 

1804-05   Jesse  Franklin    .   .    . 

1805      Joseph  Anderson    .    . 

1805-08    Samuel  Smith  .... 

1808-09    Stephen   R.  Bradley  . 

1809      John  Milledfje    .   .    . 

1809-10   Andrew    GregK    .   .    . 

1810-11   John  Gaillard  .... 

1811-12   John  Pope 

1812-13  William  H.  Crawford 
1813-14  Joseph  B.  Varnum  .  . 
1814-18  John  Gaillard  .... 
1818-19  James  Barbour  .  .  . 
1820-26  John  Gaillard  .... 
1826-28  Nathaniel  Macon  .  . 
I  1828-32  vSamuel  Smith  .... 
1832  L.  W.  Tazewell  .  .  . 
1832-34  Hugh  L.  White  .  .  . 
1834-35    George   Poindexter    . 

1835-36  John  Tyler 

1836-41  William  R.  King  .  . 
1841-42  S.  L.  Southard  .  .  . 
1842-46  W.  P.  Mangum  .  .  . 
1846-49  D.  R.  Atchison  .  .  . 
1850-52  William  R.  King  .  . 
1852-54  D.  R.  Atchison  .  .  . 
1854-57  Jesse  D.  Bright  .  .  . 
1857  James  M.  Mason  .  . 
1857-61  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick 
1861-64  Solomon  Foot  .... 
1864-65  Daniel  Clark  .... 
1865-67  Lafayette  S.  Foster  . 
1867-69  Benjamin  F.  Wade  . 
1869-73  Henry  B.  Anthony  . 
1873-75  M.  H.  Carpenter  .  . 
1875-79  Thomas  W.  Ferry  .  . 
1879-81  A.  G.  Thumian  .  .  . 
1881      Thomas  F.   Bayard    . 

1881-83    David  Davis 

1883-85  Geo.  F.  Edmunds  .  . 
1885-87  John  Sherman  .... 
1887-91  John  J.  Ingalls  .  .  . 
1891-93  C.  F.  Manderson  .  . 
1893-96  Isham  G.  Harris  .  .  . 
1896      Wm.  P.  Frve  .... 


'New  Hampshire  Republican* 
Virginia  ....  Republican  . 
New  Hampshire  Republican  . 
South  Carolina  Federalist  . 
iVirginia  ....  Republican  . 
!New  Hampshire  Federalist  . 
Pennsylvania  .  Federalist  . 
iRhode  Island  .  Federalist  . 
jSouth  Carolina  Federalist  . 
[Massachusetts  .  Federalist  . 
I  New  York  .  .  .  Federalist  . 
Pennsylvania  .  Federalist  . 
New  Hampshire  Federalist    . 


Connecticut 

Maryland    .    .    , 

Connecticut    .   , 

Georgia   ... 

Vermont      .    . 

Kentucky    .    .    , 

North  Carolina 

Tennessee  .    . 

Maryland    .    . 

Vermont     .    . 

Georgia   .    .    . 

Pennsylvania 

South  Carolina 

Kentucky    .   .    , 

Georgia   .   .    .   , 

Massachusetts 

South  Carolina 

Virginia  .... 

South  Carolina 

North  Carolina 

Maryland    .    .    , 

Virginia  .... 

Tennessee  .    .    . 

Mississippi     . 

Virginia  .... 

Alabama      .   .    , 

New  Jersey     .    , 

North  Carolina 

Missouri      .    .    , 

.\labama      .    .    . 

Missouri      .   .    , 

Indiana    ... 

V^irgina    ... 

.\labama      .   . 

Vermont      .    . 

New   Hampshire  Republican 

Connecticut    .    .  i Republican  . 

Ohio I  Republican  . 

Rhode  Island  .  {Republican  . 
Wisconsin  .  .  .  i Republican  . 
Michigan    .    .   ,  i Republican  . 

Ohio j  Democrat     . 

Delaware  .  .  .  [Democrat  . 
Illinois  ....  Independent 
Vermont     .    .   .  i  Republican  . 

Ohio Republican  . 

Kansas     ....   Republican  . 
Nebraska    .    .   .    Republican  . 
Tennessee  .    .   .   Democrat 
Maine Republican  . 


Federalist 

Federalist 

Federalist 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Whig     .    . 

Whig     .   . 

Democrat 

Democrat 

:  Democrat 

j  Democrat 

I  Democrat 

[Democrat 

Republican 


1739 
1732 
1739 
1742 
1753 
1732 
1751 
1729 
1752 
1746 
1750 
1762 
1732 
1755 
1752 
1754 
1754 
1754 
1757 
1758 
1757 
1752 
1754 
1757 
1755 
1765 
1770 
1772 
1750 
1765 
1775 
1765 
1757 
1752 
1774 
1773 
1779 
1790 
1786 
1787 
1792 
1807 
1786 
1807 
1812 
1798 
1802 
1802 
1809 
1806 
1800 
1815 
1824 
1827 
1813 
1828 
1815 
1828 
1823 
1833 
1837 
1818 
1831 


1819 
1794 
1819 
1804 
1799 
1803 
1804 
180S 
1816 
1813 
1810 
1847 
1803 
1807 
1827 
1832 
1807 
1830 
1837 
1823 
1837 
1839 
1830 
1818 
1835 
1826 
1845 
1834 
1821 
1826 
1842 
1826 
1837 
1839 
1860 
1840 
1853 
1862 
1853 
1842 
1861 
1886 
1853 
1886 
1875 
1871 
1869 
1866 
1891 
1880 
1878 
1884 
1881 

1896* 

1886 


(l.)  The  repetition  of  the  Contrress  number  is  made  necessarj-  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  Presidents  pro 
tempore  served  in  only  part  of  a  Congress. 

(2.)  The  original  Republican  party  was  the  progenitor  of  the  Democratic  party  and  dropped  its  old  name 
and  began  to  take  its  new  title  soon  after  Jackson's  first  election  in  1828. 

212 


SPEAKERS  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


Con- 
gress. 


Year. 


1 
2 
3 

4-5 

6 

7-9 
10-11 
12-13 

131 
14-16 

16 

17 

18 

19 
20-23 

23 
24-25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 
32-33 

34 

35 

36 

37 
38-40 
41-43 

44 
44-46 

47 
48-50 

51 
52-53 

54 


1789-91 
1791-93 
1793-95 
1795-99 
1799-1801 
1801-07 
1807-11 
1811-14 
1814-15 
1815-20 
1820-21 
1821-23 
1823-25 
1825-27 
1827-34 
1834-35 
1835-39 
1839-41 
1841-43 
1843-45 
1845-47 
1847-49 
1849-51 
1851-55 
1856-57 
1857-59 
1860-61 
1861-63 
1863-69 
1869-75 
1875-76 
1876-81 
1881-83 
1883-89 
1889-91 
1891-95 
1895 


Name. 


Residence. 


Party.       Born. '  Died. 


Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg 
Jonathan  Trumbull  .  .  . 
Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg 
Jonathan  Dayton  .... 
Theodore  Sedgwick  .  .  . 
Nathaniel  Macon  .... 
Joseph  B.  Vamum     .   .    . 

Henry  Clay 

Langdon  Cheeves  .   .    .    . 

Henry  Clay 

John  \V.  Taylor 

Philip  P.  Barbour  .... 

Henry  Clay 

John  W.  Taylor 

Andrew  Stevenson     .    .    . 

John  Bell 

James  K.  Polk 

Robert  M.  T.  Hunter    .    . 

John  White 

John  W.  Jones 

John  W.  Davis 

Robert  C.  W'inthrop  .    .    . 

Howell  Cobb 

Linn  Boyd 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks  .    .    . 

James  L.  Orr 

William  Pennington  .  . 
Galusha  A.  Grow   .    .    .    . 

Schuyler  Colfax 

James  G.  Blaine  .  .  .  . 
Michael  C.  Kerr  .  .  .  , 
Samuel  J.  Randall  .  .  . 
J.  Warren  Keifer  .  .  .  . 
John  G.  Carlisle  .  .  .  . 
Thomas  B.  Reed  .  .  ,  . 
Charles  F.  Crisp  .  .  .  . 
Thomas  B.  Reed     .... 


Pennsylvania  . 
Connecticut  .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
New  Jersey  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
North  Carolina 
Massachusetts  . 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
South  Carolina 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
New  York  .  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
New  York  .  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  .  . 
Tennessee  .  .  . 
Tennessee  .  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  .  . 
Indiana  .  .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Georgia  .  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
South  Carolina 
New  Jersey  .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Indiana   .    .    .   . 

Maine 

Indiana  .  .  .  . 
Pennsvlvania 

Ohio  ' 

Kentucky   .    .    . 

Maine 

Georgia  .  .  .  . 
Maine 


Republican  * 

Federalist 

Republican 

Federalist 

Federalist 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Repul)lican 

Republican 

Republican 

Democrat 

Whig     .   . 

Democrat 

Whig     .   . 

Whig     .   , 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Whig     .   . 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Republican 

Democrat 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Democrat 

Democrat 

Republican 

Democrat 

Republican 

Democrat 

Republican 


1750 
1740 
1750 
1760 
1746 
1757 
1750 
1777 
1776 
1777 
1784 
1783 
1777 
1784 
1784 
1797 
1795 
1809 
1805 
1805 
1799 
1809 
1815 
1800 
1816 
1822 
17% 
1823 
1823 
1830 
1827 
1828 
1836 
1835 
1839 
1845 
1839 


1801 
1809 
1801 
1824 
1813 
1837 
1821 
1852 
1857 
1852 
1854 
1841 
1852 
1854 
1857 
1869 
1849 
1887 
1845 
1848 
1850 
1894 
1868 
1859 
1894 
1873 
1862 

1885' 
1893 
1876 
1890 


(1.)  The  repetition  of  the  Congress  number  is  made  necessary  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  Si>eakerB  served 
through  only  part  of  a  Congrress. 

(2.)  The  oritrinal  Republican  Party  was  the  projienitor  of  the  Democratic  Party,  and  dropped  iU  old  name 
and  began  to  take  its  new  title  soon  after  Jackson's  first  election.  1828. 


213 


Appendix. 


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216 


James  S.  Clarkson,  of  Iowa. 


Appendix. 


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217 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


PAGE 

Allen,  S.  W.  K.— Presents  Lippitt  to 
the  Convention  of  1896  for  Vice- 
President    162 

Allison,  William  B. — 

His  Connection   with  the    Bland- 
Allison  Act 52 

In  the  Convention  of  1888  ...  58,  88 
A  Republican  Leader  .....  29,  76 
Presented    for    President     in    the 

Convention  of  1896     .    .    .     140-142 

Portrait  of facing      28 

Alternates  to  the  Convention  of  1896 — 

Roll  of 175-210 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution — 
Thirteenth,  Fourteenth  and  Fif- 
teenth        18 

Anti- Masonic  Party — 

Its  Candidates    and    Popular    and 

Electoral   Votes 215 

Arthur,  Chester  A. — 

Nominated  for  Vice-President  .  32,  87 
Popular      and      Electoral      Votes 

for 33,  217 

Becomes    President   on  Garfield's 

Death 36 

His  Attitude  Toward  Chinese  Leg- 
islation          36 

Attitude  Toward  Civil  Service  Re- 
form  36,  37 

Signs  the  Tariff  of  1883 37 

Beaten  by  Blaine  in  the  Convention 

of  1884    . 38,  87 

Auditorium  Convention — 

Facing 89 

Bailey,  D.  F. — Presents  Walker  in  the 
Convention  of  1896  for  Vice- 
President    165,  166 

Baldwin,  John  N.,  Presents  Allison 
for  President  in  the  Convention 

of  1896 140-142 

Banks.  Nathaniel  P. — The  First  Re- 
publican Speaker    9 

Benton,   Thomas  H. — Opposition   to 

the  Kansas- Nebraska  Bill    ...   4,  5 
Bingham,  Harry,   Presents  the   Re- 
port of  the  Rules  Committee  of 

Convention  of  1896 118-120 

Bingham,  Kinsley  S. — The  First 
Republican  Governorship  Candi- 
date          8 

Blaine,  James  G. — 

In  the  Convention  of  1876    .   .  26,  86 

In  that  of  1880 32,  86,  87 

In  that  of  1884 38,  87 

In  that  of  1888 58,  88 

In  that  of  1892 67,  88 

Popular  and   Electoral   Vote   in 

1884 39,  217 

His  Weakness  as  a  Candidate  in 

1884 53,  54 

Mulligan  Letters 53 


PACK 

Blair,  Austin — One  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party's  Founders 8 

Bland  Allison  .\ct 30,  52 

Bolt,  Silver  Men's,  from  the  Con- 
vention of  1896 137 

BovAY,  Alvan  K.,  Suggests  the  Name 

Republican  for  the  Party  ....        7 

Bradley,  W.  O.— 

Portrait  of facing    144 

Brown,  John — His  Virginia  Invasion,      10 

BuLKLEY,  William  (i.,  presented  to 
the  Convention  of  18%  for  Vice- 
President    159 

Burrows,  Julius  C— 

Portrait  of facing      % 

Bush  NELL,  Asa  S.— 

Portrait  of facing    156 

"Cv€sarism,"Cryof,AgainstGrant     32 
Cannon,  Senator  Frank  J.,  Reads 
the  Silver  Men's  Protest  in  the 

Convention  of  1896 134-136 

Bolts  from  the  Convention  ....    137 

Carpet-Bag  Regime 21 

Cass,  Lewis — •\uthor  of   Doctrine  of 

Popular  Sovereignty 3 

Chandler,  Zachariah — One   of  the 

Republican  Party's  Founders  .   .        8 

Chase,  Salmon  P. — 

In  Lincoln's  Cabinet 13 

Urges  the  Passage  of  the  Green- 
back Bills .      46 

His  opinion  as  Chief  Justice  against 

the  Greenbacks 47 

His  Connection  with  the  National 

Banking  System 51 

Chinese  Legislation    ....    36,  56,  65 
Christiancy,   Isaac  P.— One  of  the 

Republican  Party's  Founders  .   .        8 

Civil  Service  Reform— 

Act  of  1871 36 

Act  of  1883 37 

How  the  .Act  of  1883  has  been  En- 
forced   by  Presidents  Arthur, 

Cleveland  and  Harrison    ...  37 
ClAikson,  James  S.— 

Portrait  of facing  216 

Cleveland,  Grover— 

Nomination    in   1884 38 

In  1888 58 

In  1892 66 

Popular  and  Electoral   Votes  for, 

in  1884 39.  217 

In  1888 59.  217 

In  1892 68.  217 

Sources  of  Strength  in  1884  ....  54 

His  Warner  letter 55 

Attitude  toward  the  Civil  Service 

.\ct 55 

Tariff  Message  of  1887 57 

"Condition,  not  a Theon"  .   ...  57 


219 


Index. 


PAGE 

Cleveland,  Gkovkk— Continued— 
His  Connection  with  the  Hawaiian 

Question 69,  70 

With  the  Cuban  Question     ...      70 
With  the  Venezuelan  Question  .      70 
Calls  an  Extra  Session  of  Congress 

in  1893 70 

Asks  the  Repeal  of  the  Sherman 

Law 70,  71 

His  "Party  Perfidy  and  Party  Dis- 
honor" Letter 73 

Refuses  to  Sign  or  Veto  the  Wil- 
son-Gorman   Tariff    Bill  ...      73 
Vetoes  the  Silver  Seigniorage   Bill      74 

Sells  J262.000,000  Bonds 74 

Signs   the    Federal   Election   Law 

Repeal   Bill 75 

Compromise  of  1850 2 

"Condition,  Not  a  Theory"  ...  57 
Confederacy,  Southern  Founded  .  12 
conkling,  roscoe— 

In  the  Convention  of  1880    ....      32 

In  the  Canvass  of  1880 33 

His    Feud    with    Garfield    and  its 
Effects     on     the     Republican 

Party 35,  36,  53 

His  Contest  for  Re-Election   .   .   35,  36 

Constitutional  Amendments — Thir- 
teenth, Fourteenth  and  Fif- 
teenth        18 

Constitutional  Union  Party — 

Its  National  Convention  of  1860  .   .      11 
Its  Popular  and  Electoral  Vote  .  11,216 

Conventions— 

Republican  National — 

1856 9,  83,  84 

1860 11,  84 

1864 18,  84,  85 

1868 23,  85 

1872 25,  86 

1876 26,  86 

1880 31,   32,   86,  87 

1884 38,  87 

1888 58,  87,  88 

1892 66,  67,  88 

1896 91-168 

Democratic  National — 

1856 10 

1860 11 

1864 18 

1868 23 

1872 24 

1876 26 

1884 38 

1888 58 

1892 66 

Know  Nothing  National — 

1856  ....    10 

Constitutional  Union  National — 

1860 11 

Credit  Mobilier 26 

In  Connection  with  Garfield's  Can- 
didacy in  1880 33 

Cuba,  Attempts  to  Secure 2 


PAGE 

CuLLOM,  Shelby  M. — 

Portrait  of facing      68 

Dayton,  William,  L. —  Republican 
Vice -Presidential  Candidate  in 
1856 9,  84,  216 

Debt,  National,  at  its  High  Water 

Mark 45 

Delegates  to  the  Conventon  of  1896 — 
Roll  of 175-210 

Democratic  Party — 

Its  Candidates  and  Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 
1828,  1832,  1836  and  1840  ....  215 

1844,  1848  and  1852 216 

1856 10,  216 

1860 11,  216 

1864 18,  216 

1868 24,  216 

1872 25,  216 

1876 26-28,  217 

1880 33,  217 

1884 38,  39,  217 

1888 58,  59,  217 

1892 68,  217 

Split  in  the  Charleston  Convention 

of  1860 11,  81 

Its    Restoration    to   Power  in   the 
House  of  Representatives — 

1874 26 

Its    Restoration    to  Power  in  the 
Presidency — 

1884 53 

1892 69 

Depew,  Chauncey,  Presents  Morton 
for  President  in  the  Convention 

of  1896 145-149 

Portrait  of facing    136 

Disputed  Presidential  Count  1877. 27,  28 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.— 

His  Kansas- Nebraska  Bill    ...  2,  3-6 
W^rath  of  the  Free  States  at  .   .   .  5,  6 

Dred  Scott  Decision 10 

Electoral  Commission 27 

Electoral  Count  Act 56 

Elkins,  Stephen  B. — 

Portrait  of facing      64 

Evans,  H.  Clay— Presented  in  the 
Convention  of  18%  for  Vice- 
President    163-165 

Portrait  of facing    200 

Fairbanks,  Charles  W. — 

Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Con- 
vention of  1896 92 

His  Address  to  the  Convention  .    92-98 

Federalist  Party — 

Its  Candidates  and  Electoral  Votes — 

1792,  1796  and  1800 214 

1804,  1808,  1812,  and  1816    ...    215 

Fessenden,  Samuel,  Presents  Bulkley 
to  the  Convention  of  1896  for 
Vice-President 159 


220 


Index. 


PACK 

Fkssknden,  William  P. — 

Opposition     to     Kansas -Nebraska 

Bill 4 

Votes  Against  Conviction  of  Pres- 
ident Johnson 22 

FiLLEY,  Chauncky  I.— 

Portrait  of facing    176 

FoRAKKR,  Joseph  B. — 

Reads  the  Platform  of  1896  .    .     121-125 
Presents  McKinlev's   Name  to  the 

Convention  of' 1896  .    ,    .    .     150-152 

Portrait  of facing    113 

Fort,  J.  Franklin — 

Presents  the  Majority  Report  of 
the  Committee  of  Creden- 
tials   105,  106 

Speech  in  Favor  oi  the  Report  .  109-111 
Presents  Hobart  to  the  Convention 
of    1896     for  the     Vice-Presi- 
dency       160-162 

Free  Democracy — 

Its  Candidates   and    Popular   and 

Electoral   Votes 216 

Free  Soil  Party — 

Its  Candidates    and    Popular    and 

Electoral  Votes 216 

Fremont,  John  C. — 

Republican  Presidential  Candidate 

in  1856 9,  83 

Popular  and  Electoral  Votes  for,  10,  216 
His  Emancipation  Proclamation    .      16 
Nominated  for  President  by  Radi- 
cal Republicans 17 

Frye,  William  P. — 

Portrait  of facing      60 

Garfield,  James  A. — 

Nominated  for  President  .   .    .   .   32,  87 
Popular  and  Electoral  Votes  for,  33,  217 
His  contest  with  Conkling  and  its 
Effects     on     the     Republican 

Party 35,  36,  53 

Grant,  Ulysses  S. — 

Secretary  of  War  ad  interim    .    .   21,  22 
Nominated  for  President,  1868  .   23,  85 

Elected 23,  216 

Renominated,  1872 25,  86 

Re- elected 25,  216 

His  Inflation  Bill  Veto 49 

He  starts  the  Specie  Resumption 

Movement 49 

Greeley,  Horace— 

Opposition  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska 

Bill 5 

Suggests  the  name  Republican  to 
the    Michigan    Convention   of 

July  6,   1854 8 

Liberal  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic Presidential   Candidate, 

1872 24.  25,  216 

Greenback  Party — 

Its  Principles 27 

Its  Candidates  and  Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1876 26,  217 

1880 217 


Grkknuack  Party     Continued— 

Its   Candidates    and    Popular    and 

Electoral  Vote* —  PACK 

1«H4 217 

1888 59.  217 

1892 68.  217 

Greenhacks— 

Creation  of 15.  46,  47 

Contraction  of.  Suspended  .  .  .  48.  49 
Their   Status    Established  by  the 

Supreme  Court 47.  48 

They  are  Brought  up  to  the  Gold 
Level      by     the     Resumption 

Act 25.  49 

Grosvenor,  Charles  H.,  Speaks  for 
the  Majority  Report  of  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials  of  Conven- 
tion of  18% 116-118 

Portrait  of facing      76 

Grow,  Galusha  A.— 

Portrait  of facing      95 

Half-Breed-Stalwart  Fight    .  .  35,  36 
Hanna,  Marcus  A. — 

Portrait  of facing    124 

Harrison,  Benjamin — 

His  Nomination  in   1888  ....  58.  88 

In   1892 67,  88 

Popular   and    Electoral    Votes    in 

1888 59.  217 

In   1892 68,  217 

On  the  Silver  issue 62 

Signs  the  McKinley  Tariff  Bill  ,  .  61 
Signs  the  Sherman  Silver  Bill  .  .  63 
His  connection  with  the  Hawaiian 

Question 65,  66 

Portrait  of facing      16 

Hastings,  Daniel  H.,  Presents  Sen- 
ator Quav  for  President  in  the 
Convention  of  1896     ....    155-157 
Hawley,  Joseph  R.— 

Portrait  of facing      56 

Hayes,  Rittherford  B — 

Nominated  for  President.  1876  .  26,  86 
Controversv  alxjut   His  Vote  .   .  27.  28 

His  Election 28,  217 

His  P^ndeavors  to  Settle  the  South- 
ern   Question 29 

Contest  with  the  Democratic  Con- 
gresses      30,  31 

Helper's  Impending  Crisis  ....     10 
Hepburn  vs.  Griswold,  Greenback 

Case 47 

Hepburn,  W.    P. — Presents  Minority 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials. Convention  of  1896  .  106.  107 
Speaks  for  the  Minority  Report,  112-116 
HiTT,  Robert  T. — 

Portrait  of facing    192 

Hoar,  George  F.— 

Portrait  of facing      48 

Hobart.  Garret  A. — 

His  Name  Presented  in  the  Con- 
vention of  18% 160-162 

Vote  for  in  the  Convention  of  18%  .  167 
Biographical  Sketch  of  .  .  .  .  171.  172 
Portrait  of  .   .    .   .  preceding  Title. 


221 


Index. 


PAGE 

Howard,  Jacob  M. — One  of  the  Re- 
publican Party's  Founders  ...        8 
Impeachment  of  President  John- 
son   21,  22 

His  Acquittal 22,  23 

Income  Taxes — In  War  Days  ....  15 
In  the  Wilson-Gorman  Act  ...  72 
Declared   Unconstitutional  by  the 

Supreme    Court 73 

Internal  Revenue  Taxes  .   .  .   .  15,  42 
Interstate  Commerce  Act   ....     56 
Jeffersonian  Republican  Party — 
Its  Candidates  and  Electoral  Votes — 

1792,  1798  and  1800 214 

1804,  1808,  1812,  1816,  1820  and 

1824 215 

Johnson,  Andrew — 

Nominated  for  Vice-President    .   18,  85 

Elected 18,  216 

Conflict  with  Congress 20,  21 

Quarrel  with  Stanton 21,  22 

Impeached 21,  22 

Acquitted ,   ....   22,  23 

The     Republican     Senators     who 

Voted  for  Acquittal 22 

JULLIARD  vs.  GREENMAN,  GREENBACK 

Case 48 

Kansas.  Civil  War  in 10 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — 

Introduction  of,    by    Stephen    A. 

Douglas 3 

Vote  on,  in  Congress 5 

Effects  of 5,  6 

Kerens,  Richard  C, — 

Portrait  of facing    168 

Know- Nothing       (or      American) 
Party— 
Its  National  Convention  of  1856    .      10 
Its  Popular  and  Electoral  Vote  .  10, 216 

Knox  vs.  Lee,  Greenback  Case  .   .     48 

Liberal  Republican  Party — 

Its  National  Convention  of  1872  .   .      24 
Its  Popular  and  Electoral  Vote  (in 
Coalition    with    that    of    the 
Democracy) 25,216 

Liberty  Party — 

Its  Candidates    and    Popular   and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1840 215 

1844 216 

Lincoln,  Abraham — 

Debates  with  Douglas 10 

Aspirant  for  the  Vice- Presidency  .  84 
Elected    President,    1860  ...    11,  216 

His  First   Inaugural 12,  13 

His  Cabinet 13 

Wants  to  Make  the  War  Short  and 

Decisive 15 

Revokes   Fremont's  and  Hunter's 

Anti-Slavery  Edicts 16 

His  Emancipation  Proclamation  .  17 
Hostilitv  to,  by  Radical  Republicans,  17 
Renominated  in  1864  .   .    .   .    18,  84,  85 


PAGE 

Lincoln,  Abraham — Continued — 

Re-elected 18,   216 

Contest  with  his  Party  on  Recon- 
struction       19,  20 

Assassinated      18 

LiPPiTT,  Charles  Warren — 

Presented    to    the    Convention    of 

1896   for  Vice-President   ...    162 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  Presents  Reed 
for  President  in  the  Convention 

of  1896 143-145 

Portrait  of facing    104 

Logan,  John  A. — 

Nominated      for     Vice-President, 

1884 38-87 

Popular  and  Electoral  Votes  for,    39,  217 

Lowndes,  Lloyd — 

Portrait  of facing    152 

Mahone,  William — In  the  Contest  for 

Control  of  the  Senate  in  1881  .  34,  35 

McAlpine,  Edwin  A. — 

Portrait  of facing    209 

McKiNLEY,  William — 

His  Tariff  Bill 61 

Vote  for,  in  the  Convention  of  1888  88 
Vote  for,  in  the  Convention  of  1892  88 
Name  Presented  in  the  Convention 

of  1896     150-155 

Vote  for,  in  the  Convention  of  18%  158 
Biographical  Sketch  of  .  .  .  .  169,  170 
Portrait  of  .    .    .     preceding  Title. 

Mexico,  War  with 1 

Michigan — It  Holds  the  First  Repub- 
lican State  Convention,  July  6, 
1854 8 

Miller,  Warner — 

Portrait  of facing    184 

Missouri  Compromise 1,  80 

Tallmadge's  Anti-Slaverj'  Proviso,     80 

Missouri — Her   Sectional    and  Social 

Status 77 

MoREY  Letter 33 

Morrill,  Justin  S. — 

His  Tariff  Act 15,  41,  42 

In  the  Thirty -Seventh  Congress  .      15 

A  Republican  Leader 29,  76 

Portrait  of facing      44 

Morrison  Tariff  Bill 56 

Morton,  Levi  P. — 

Nominated  for  Vice-President  in 

1888 88 

Popular  and  Electoral  Votes  for  .   .    217 
Presented  for  President  in  the  Con- 
vention of  1896     145-149 

Portrait  of facing      24 

Mugwump  Bolt  in  1884 54 

Murchison  Letter 59 

National  Banking  System  Cre- 
ated     15,  51 

National  Republican  Party. — 

Its  Candidates    and    Popular    and 

Electoral  Votes  1828  and  1832  .    215 


222 


Index. 


PAGB 

OsTKND  Manifesto 2 

Panic  of  1857 41 

Of  1873 26 

Of  1893 70 

Parker  vs.  Davis,  Greenback  Case  48 
Pendleton  Civil  Service  Act  ...  37 
People's  or  Populist  Party — 

Its    Candidates    and    Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1892 67,  68,  217 

Platt,  Thomas  C— 

Portrait  of facing    128 

Polygamy  Attacked  by  Congress  .     36 

Popular  Sovereignty 3 

Pittsburg    Republican    National 

Conference  of  1856  ....  9,  83 
Presidential  Succession  Act  ...  55 
Prohibition  Party — 

Its    Candidates    and   Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1872 25,  216 

1876 217 

1880 217 

1884 217 

1888 58,  59,  217 

1892 68,  217 

Public  Credit  Act 24,  49 

Quay,  Matthew  S.,  Presented  for 
President  in  the  Convention  of 

1896 155-157 

Portrait,  of facing      33 

Randolph,  William  M. — Presents 
Evans  in  the  Convention  of  1896 
for  Vice-President 163-165 

Reconstruction — 

Lincoln's  Plan 19 

The  Wade-Davis  Bill 19 

Lincoln  Pockets  the  Bill 19 

W^ade  and  Davis  Attack  Lincoln  .   .      19 
Johnson    Attempts    to    Carry    out 

Lincoln's  Plan,  and  is  Balked 

by  Congress 20 

Congress  Overrides  Vetoes  ...   20,  21 
Congressional    Reconstruction 

Scheme 21 

Congress  Impeaches  but  Fails   to 

Convict  Johnson 21-23 

The    Seceded  States    Restored   to 

the  Union 21 

Reed,  Thomas  B.,  Presented  for 
President  in  the  Convention  of 

18% 143-145 

Portrait  of facing        8 

Republican  Party — 

Origin  of 1 

Basic  Principle  of .  1 

Datemarks  in  History  of 7 

Early  Leaders  of 7 

Birthplace  of 7 

First  State  Convention 8 

Its  Name  Suggested 7,  8 

First  National  Triumph  (the  Banks 

Speakership  Contest)     ....  9 


PAG8 

Republican  VKttrcw— Con ti nurd— 
Why  it  got  an  Earlier  Start  in  the 

West  than  in  the  East  ....  9 
Its  First  National  Gathering  ...  9 
First  National  Convention    ....        9 

Defeat  in  1856 10 

Its  First  Presidential  Victory  ...      11 
National  Conventions  of — 

1856 9,  83,  84 

1860 11,  84 

1864 18,  84,  85 

1868 23,  85 

1872 25,  86 

1876 26.  86 

1880 31,  32,  86,  87 

1884 38,  87 

1888 58,  87,  88 

1892 66,  67.  88 

18% 91,  168 

Its  First  Defeat  in  a  Congressional 

Election  (1874),  since  1856  .   .      26 
Its    Candidates   and    Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1856 10.  216 

1860 11.  216 

1864 18,  216 

1868 24.  216 

1872 25,  216 

1876 27.  28.  217 

1880 33,  217 

1884 39.  217 

1888 59.  "217 

1892 68.  217 

Its  First  Presidential  Defeat  (1884) 

since  1860 39 

Second  Presidential  Defeat  (1892) 

since  1860 67 

Its  Old  and   New   Leaders  (1876- 

'77) 29,  30 

Old  and  New  Leaders  (18%)  ...      76 
Condition  and  Prospects  (1896)  .   .      76 
Its  Dealings  with  the  Tariff  Ques- 
tion   40-44 

Its    Dealings    with    the     Finance 

Question 45-52 

Its  Platform,  18% 121-125 

Resumption  Act 25,  49,  50 

Effects  of  the  Act 25,  26,  50 

RiPON,  Wis. — The  First  Place  in  which 
the    Republican    Name    for   the 

Party  was  Suggested 7 

Salary  Grab 26 

Secession,  Eleven  States  Go  Out  .     11 
Sectionalism  in  Politics — 

History  of 77-83 

Seward,  William  H. — 

Opposition  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska 

Bill 4 

Aspirant  for  the  Presidency,  1860,  11,  84 
Sewell,  William  J. — 

Portrait  of facing      72 

Seymour,  Horatio,  Popular  and  Elec- 
toral Votes  for  1868 24,  216 

Sherman.  John— 

In  the  Thirtv-Seventh  Congress   .      14 
Quoted  on  the  Morrill  Tariff  Act  .      41 


223 


Index. 


PAGE 

Sherman,  John — Continued — 

His  Silver  Law 62,  63 

His  Reasons  why  it  was  Passed  .   .      63 
His  Statement  Challenged  by  Sen- 
ator Teller 63,  6-' 

A  Republican  Leader 29,  76 

Portrait  of facing      40 

Silver  Men's  Bolt  from  the  Conven- 
tion of  1896 137 

Silver  Question — 

Demonetization  Act  of  1873  .   .  51,  52 
Bland-Allison     Bill     passed    over 

President  Haves'  Veto  ....      52 

The  "Sherman"  Act 62,  63 

Senator  Sherman  tells  why  it  was 

passed      63 

Senator   Teller   gives    a   different 

'  explanation 63,  64 

The  "Sherman"  Law  Repealed  .    .      71 

Silver  Plank  of  1888 58 

Of  1892 66 

Of  1896 123 

Silver  Seigniorage  Bill  Vetoed  .  .  74 
Slavery  Question,  The— See  Wilmot 
Proviso,  Kansas  -  Nebraska  Bill, 
Origin  of  the  Republican  Party, 
Missouri  Compromise,  Compro- 
mise of  1850  and  Sectionalism  in 
Politics. 
Solid  South — 

First  Appearance  in  Politics    ...      33 
Southern  Question. — See  Reconstruction 

Squatter  Sovereignty 3 

Stalvvart-Half-Breed  Fight  .  .  35,36 
Stanton,  Edwin  M. — 

Conflict  with  Johnson 21,  22 

St.  Louis  Convention  Committee — 

Portraits  of facing      82 

Tariff  Question — 

The  Republican   Party's  Connec- 
tion with  it  Traced 40-44 

First  Tariff  Utterance  in  a  Republi- 
can State  Convention 41 

First  Tariff  Utterance  in  a  Republi- 
can National  Convention  1860,  11,  41 

Morrill  Tariff  Act 41,  42 

Sidney  Smith  on  Tariffs    .   .    .   .  42,  43 
The  Tariff's  Highest  Level  ....      43 

Tariff  of  1883 37,  43 

Morrison  Bill 56 

Tariff  Plank  of  1888 58 

Of  1892 66 

Of  1896 122 

Mills  Tariff  Bill 57 

McKinley  Tariff  Act 61 

Wilson-Gorman  Tariff  Act  .   .    .    71-73 
The    President's  "Party     Perfidy    . 
and  Party     Dishonor"   Letter 

on 72,  73 

Teller,  Henry  M. — 

Explains   why    the   Sherman  Act 

was  Passed 63,  64 

Attacks  the  Gold  Plank  in  the  Re- 
publican Platform  of  1896  .    125-131 

Leaves  the  Convention 137 

Tenure  of  Office  Law — 

Passed  to  Tie  Johnson's  hands  .   .      21 
Repealed  in  Cleveland's  First  Term      56 


PAGE 

Tidal  Waves  in  Politics— 

Democratic  in  1874 26 

In  1882 38 

In  1890 65 

In  1892 67,  68 

Republican  in  1894 75,  76 

TiLDEN,    Samuel  J.— Nominated  for 

President  by  the  Democrats,  1876,     26 
Controversy  about  His  Vote  .   .  27,  28 

His  Vote  Declared 28,  217 

Third  Term  and  Gen.  Grant  ...      32 
Letter  from  Grant  to  a  President 

of  a  Convention 32 

Thirty-Seventh  Congress  (1861-3)— 

Great  Figures  in 14,  15 

P^xtra  Session  of 15 

Thurston,  John  M. — 

Permanent  President  of  the  Con- 
vention of  1896 102 

His  Address  to  the  Convention  103,  104 
Seconds       McKinley's      Nomina- 
tion      152-155 

Portrait  of facing    120 

"Twin    Relics    of     Barbarism" — 

Slavery  and  Polygamy 9 

United  Labor  Party — 

Its    Candidates    and  Popular  and 
Electoral  Votes — 

1888 58,  217 

Vermont — With  Wisconsin,  Holds  the 
Second  Republican  State  Con- 
vention, July  13,  1854 8 

Walker,  James  A. — Presented  in  the 
Convention  of  1896  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident       165,  166 

Warner,  William — 

Portrait  of facing    161 

Washburn,  Israel,  Jr. — One  of  the 

Republican  Party's  Founders  .   .        7 
Wilmot  Proviso— 

Its  Introduction 1,  7 

Its  Effect 2 

Basis  of  the  Republican  Party   .   .        1 
Basis  of  the  Free  Soil  Party  ...        2 
Wilmot,    David,    Author    of   the 

Proviso 1 

Wheeler,  William  A. — Elected  Vice- 
President    28,  86,  217 

Whig  Party — 

Its  Connection  with  the  Compro- 

"    mise  of  1850 2 

Its  Disastrous  Defeat  in  1852  ...        2 
Its  Vote  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska 

Bill .        5 

As  an  Ingredient  of  the  Republican 

Party 3,  6 

Candidates  and  Popular  and  Elec- 
toral Votes  of — 

1836,  1840 215 

1844,  1848,  1852 216 

Whiskey  Ring 26 

Wisconsin — With  Vermont,  Holds  the 
Second  Republican  State  Con- 
vention, July   13,  1854 8 

Yerkes,  J.W. — Speaks  forthe major- 
ity Report  of  the  Committee  on 
-N         Credentials    of     Convention    of 
f    }        1896 Ill 


224 


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